Picture this: most of inner Arabia is an expansive desert, including the infamous sand-filled Empty Quarter (Rub’ al-Khali). Now contrast this with the seaboard of Southern Arabia, where misty monsoon clouds sweep across well-watered highlands, sustaining seasonally fertile forests. It’s a lush, green paradise compared to the harsh desert interior.
The ancient Sabaean Kings ruled over this verdant region, masterminding the construction of dams and irrigation works that funneled highland streams into bountiful fields at the mountain bases. The steep woodlands of Yemen and Dhofar weren’t just visually stunning; they were incredibly productive, yielding abundant honey and beeswax. There were even whispers of gold mines nestled in these lands. But what really set Southern Arabia apart was its unique climate, perfect for frankincense and myrrh trees, producing large quantities of highly prized resin.
Roman authorities were all ears when it came to reports of incense production from visiting envoys and foreign allies. These reports detailed the sheer scale of the incense harvests and the vast tracts of land under cultivation. For instance, Pliny the Elder noted that frankincense trees covered about 1.3 million hectares in Dhofar’s coastal highlands, churning out at least 1,000 tons of frankincense annually for the Sabaean Kingdom. If you add the myrrh produced in neighboring Yemen, you’re looking at over 200 tons per year. Together, this bounty represented a staggering 50 million sesterces worth of incense per harvest—more than the tribute Rome received from Gaul!
However, this lucrative trade created a persistent dilemma for the Roman Empire. Incense was indispensable in various religious practices throughout the Roman world, but it was so pricey that Romans often had to purchase it with gold and silver bullion or imperial coins. This led to a steady drain of precious metals from the Mediterranean economy. Strabo summed it up neatly: the Arabians grew wealthy by trading aromatics and gemstones for gold and silver, wealth they never spent with outsiders. The region seemed divinely blessed to the Greeks and Romans, earning the nickname “Arabia Felix” or “Fortunate Arabia.”
Sabaean Trade
Let’s dive into the storied history of Sabaean trade. The Sabaeans emerged as a leading power in Southern Arabia as early as the tenth century BC. The Old Testament even recounts how the Queen of Sheba visited King David of Israel, bringing a grand caravan laden with incense, gold, and precious stones. This visit wasn’t just a social call; it marked the beginning of formal relations between their realms. According to ancient tradition, David received nearly 4 tons of gold and large quantities of incense and precious stones as diplomatic gifts.
Inspired by these riches, King David ordered the construction of seafaring ships on the Gulf of Aqaba. He sent these ships south to establish contact with Sabaean settlements along the Yemen coast. Commanded by Hiram, a royal agent, these ships ventured into the Gulf of Aden, returning with cargoes from Yemen and Somalia, including timber and scented woods from the Horn of Africa. These exotic goods were used to refurbish the Temple of the Lord and adorn the royal palace.
By the sixth century BC, most of the incense reaching the Near East was trafficked through Arab nations occupying northern Arabia. The Gerrhaeans, who controlled territories near the Persian Gulf, were particularly notable. When the Persian Empire conquered the Near East, they imposed tribute payments on the Gerrhaeans. Herodotus reported that King Darius received 1,000 talents (over 25 tons) of frankincense annually from the Arabians.
Closer to Judea, the Nabataeans supplied incense to Gaza on the Mediterranean coast, which became a crucial hub for the incense trade, catering to the wealthy Greek civilization. A delightful anecdote about Alexander the Great as a boy involves him making a sacrificial offering with both hands full of incense, throwing it generously onto the altar-fire. His tutor, Leonidas, cautioned him against such extravagance, a lesson Alexander remembered well. During his conquest of the Persian Empire, he besieged Gaza, looted a vast store of incense, and sent 500 talents (nearly 13 tons) of frankincense and 100 talents (over 2 tons) of myrrh back to Macedonia with a message to Leonidas: “I have sent you myrrh and frankincense in abundance so that you can stop being so stingy before the gods.” Yet, despite his ambitions, Alexander and his successors never managed to conquer Arabia, leaving the region and its lucrative incense trade under local control.
Red Sea Piracy
During the Roman era, the central seaboard of western Arabia was home to fiercely independent peoples known for their piracy. Strabo painted a vivid picture of this coast, describing it as “rugged and difficult for vessels to pass because high rocky mountains stretch along the shore and there is a lack of harbors and anchoring-places.” The region’s dangerous nature was exacerbated by the Etesian winds, which made sailing treacherous.
Roman captains, well aware of these risks, often took a middle course down the Red Sea to avoid the main pirate bases. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, a key navigational guide, warned that the coastal route was perilous due to cliffs and the risk of shipwreck. Pirate dhows frequently attacked trade vessels and captured Roman crews who strayed too close to the shore. These pirates were described as vicious, plundering any unfortunate sailors and enslaving survivors.
The Saba-Himyarite Kingdom of southern Arabia waged a relentless war against these Red Sea pirates. They likely received help from the Nabataean regime in their efforts. The Periplus noted that pirates were constantly being captured by the governors and kings of Arabia. Both kingdoms dispatched expeditions to capture pirate ships and destroy supporting communities. Despite their efforts, piracy remained a persistent threat, occasionally spilling over to African ports on the far coast of the Red Sea. One notorious group, the Ascitae, operated from an island base near the Farasans, using rafts and poisoned arrows to attack ships moored near Adulis.
Throughout the first century AD, Roman merchants navigating the Red Sea had to rely on the nearby Arab kingdoms to suppress piracy. They could breathe easier once their lookouts sighted Burnt Island (Jabal al-Tair), signaling the security of the Saba-Himyarite Kingdom in Yemen. Beyond Burnt Island, they encountered peaceful shores with inhabitants, camels, and animals at pasture, a stark contrast to the pirate-infested waters they had left behind.
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The Farasan Command
In the second century AD, the Romans established a naval base on the Farasan Islands to secure the western seaboard of Arabia. This move represented a significant interest in eastern maritime affairs, as the Farasans were over 600 miles from the southernmost frontier of the Empire. Positioned about forty miles from the Arabian coast, these islands allowed the Romans to control crucial sea lanes across the gulf.
The Farasans were strategically located less than sixty miles from Muza in the Saba-Himyarite Kingdom and about 120 miles from the African port of Adulis. The islands are part of a reef system that runs parallel to the Arabian coast, enabling Roman vessels to monitor traffic sailing through breaks in the coral bank between the two ports. Additionally, the Roman navy could oversee ships entering and leaving the Red Sea through the Bab-el-Mandeb strait, controlling access to the Indian Ocean.
Evidence of the Roman outpost on the Farasans comes from two Latin inscriptions erected by garrison forces from legions based in Syria and Egypt. The first inscription dates to AD 120 and records a task force from the Legio VI Ferrata (Sixth Ironclad Legion) stationed on the island. These troops were likely sent by Emperor Trajan as part of Roman plans to extend their reach into the Indian Ocean. Trajan had restored the ancient Suez Canal and outfitted a fleet for the Red Sea to potentially lay waste to the coasts of India. However, his untimely death and subsequent uprisings in Mesopotamia halted further eastern conquests.
The Farasan base played a vital role in Rome’s broader pattern of expansion across the Arabian Sea. The Saba-Himyarites had claimed the Tanzanian trade post of Rhapta, the Hadramawt King controlled Socotra, and the King of Charax held territories in the Persian Gulf, including Bahrain. The Romans likely acquired the Farasans through a grant from the Saba-Himyarite Kings, who presented themselves as “friends of the Emperor” and sent regular envoys to Rome.
Once established, the Farasan base helped suppress piracy and manage valuable marine resources. The Roman garrison, comprising legionaries and auxiliary troops, would have cleared pirate settlements along the Arabian coast and escorted merchant ships. The base might also have managed pearl fisheries near Bab-el-Mandeb, contributing to the Roman treasury. Statius, a court poet, referred to wealth gathered by divers in the eastern seas, likely referencing these pearl fisheries.
By AD 140, the Farasan base came under the authority of the governor of Egypt. The Legio VI Ferrata was replaced by the Legio II Traiana Fortis (Second Valiant Trajanic Legion) and auxiliary units. The second Latin inscription, found near modern Gharrain, was erected by Castricius Aprinus in AD 143-144. Aprinus, Prefect of the Port of Farasan and the Sea of Hercules, dedicated the monument on behalf of his troops, emphasizing the strategic importance of the Farasan command.
These operations demonstrated Roman power and influence in the Red Sea region. Chinese records from AD 166 indicate that Roman merchants reached the Han court, providing insights into Roman control over Red Sea territories. The Weilue, an ancient Chinese text, described Zesan (Anzania) and Lufen (Leuke Kome) as territories under Roman rule, reflecting the Farasan command’s oversight.
Roman ships, protected by the Farasan command, sailed through the Sea of Hercules to reach the Saba-Himyarite Kingdom, maintaining Rome’s dominance over critical maritime routes and resources.
The Saba-Himyarites
In the first century AD, Roman merchants sailing to Arabia Felix usually left Egypt in September, a couple of months after ships bound for India had departed. This timing allowed merchants to prioritize loading operations in the summer months while their colleagues were overseas. If a ship could be loaded quickly, it could leave early, which was advantageous for voyages to more distant Arab ports. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea suggests that the best time for sailing to Arabia Felix was around September, though leaving earlier was also an option.
The first stop for Roman ships sailing to Arabia Felix was often Muza, located on the Yemen coast near the Farasan Islands and the entrance to the Red Sea. The voyage from Berenice to Muza, though less than 800 miles, involved challenging sailing conditions and probably took nearly three weeks. Muza was a bustling port, crowded with Arabian craft involved in trade voyages to Somalia and northwest India. The Periplus describes it as teeming with Arab ship-owners, charterers, and sailors, busy with commercial activity.
The Himyarite Kingdom, which ruled the myrrh-producing territories in southwest Arabia, rose to power after the Roman attack on Arabia Felix in 25 BC weakened the Sabaean Kingdom. The Himyarites took over the Sabaean homelands and controlled the main sea-lanes leading from the Red Sea into the Gulf of Aden, growing rich from managing imports from across the Indian Ocean and exporting myrrh. A single pound of myrrh could sell for 16 denarii in Roman markets.
At Muza, Roman traders could find large quantities of select-grade myrrh and thick scented oils known as stacte. Pliny the Elder described stacte as the most highly valued form of myrrh, a juice exuded before the tree was properly tapped. The port also offered Somali incense imported by Arab merchants dealing in African products, including ivory, rhino horn, and tortoiseshell. Roman merchants could acquire these goods at Muza without having to travel to Adulis, provided the exchange rates were reasonable.
Muza also offered another interesting cargo for Roman merchants: pure-white marble quarried in southern Arabia. This marble, with its fine crystalline texture, was used as ballast to stabilize ships and later sold to stoneworkers in the Empire, who carved it into elegant unguent jars resembling radiant alabaster. Arabian marble, praised for its brilliant white-luster, was also used in abrasive form to clean stained teeth and remove tartar.
Roman traders brought various goods to Muza, including purple-dyed fabrics, clothing styled to suit Arabian fashions, and specialized items like yellow saffron dyes and medicinal plants. They also brought a considerable amount of money to facilitate their deals. While Muza had moderate quantities of local wheat and larger stocks of date and palm wine, Roman wine and grain were in lesser demand.
Caravan routes led inland from Muza to major cities of the Saba-Himyarite Kingdom. Three days inland was Saue, under the authority of Himyarite governor Cholaibos, and nine days further was the capital Saphar, home to King Charibael. The Periplus describes Charibael as the legitimate king of both the Himyarites and the adjacent Sabaeans. Roman merchants conducted business with state officials in these cities, trading expensive goods like horses, gold objects, and valuable clothing for state-owned stocks of myrrh and possibly marble.
Eudaimon Arabia
As Roman ships sailed along the southern seaboard of Arabia, they passed by the ancient ruins of Eudaimon Arabia (Aden). In the first century BC, Eudaimon was a thriving Sabaean metropolis where merchants from Egypt and India met to exchange goods and receive valuable stocks of Arabian incense. It was a key intermediary market, as few Greek ships sailed directly to India, and Indian vessels rarely ventured to Egypt. During this period, Eudaimon earned the name “Eudaimon Arabia,” meaning “Blessed” or “Prosperous Arabia.”
However, the city’s fortunes changed after a Roman attack, likely ordered by Aelius Gallus in 26 BC. The Periplus notes that “not long before our time Caesar sacked the city,” and Pliny confirms that Aelius Gallus led the only Roman forces into the region. The attack caused merchants to abandon the port, and when the Himyarites claimed the territory, they redirected trade to Muza. By AD 50, Eudaimon was a shadow of its former self, reduced to a village among ruins.
Despite this decline, Eudaimon remained under the control of the Himyarite Kingdom, which had granted the port to the Qataban Kingdom as an outlet for their myrrh and cinnamon trade. The Qataban, known to the Romans as the Gebbanites, managed Somali settlements and controlled the international price of cinnamon. Pliny noted that only the king of the Gebbanitae could control cinnamon sales, setting prices by public proclamation.
The Qataban trade system was efficient but not invulnerable. On one occasion, a forest fire in Somalia, possibly started by locals opposed to Arab traders, severely damaged Qataban operations. This incident led to a supply shortage and steep price increases for Somali cinnamon in Roman markets.
An ancient inscription from the Qataban capital, Timna, indicates how the regime controlled prices for valuable products. The Mercantile Code of Qataban, dating to about 110 BC, centralized trade, facilitated tax collection, and regulated prices, allowing the king to maximize profits from state-owned stocks. The Qataban also established a presence at Ocelis, a port near the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, selling cinnamon to Roman ships en route to India. Pliny referred to Ocelis as a harbor of the Gebbanitae, indicating a strong Qataban presence.
Conclusion
The unique geographic and economic conditions of Southern Arabia made it a land of extraordinary wealth and strategic importance. The Sabaean and Himyarite kingdoms harnessed their natural resources and trade routes to become major players in the ancient world. Their control over the production and trade of frankincense, myrrh, and other valuable commodities significantly influenced regional and Roman economies. Despite challenges such as piracy and competition, these kingdoms maintained their independence and continued to thrive, leaving a lasting legacy in the history of the Arabian Peninsula and the broader Mediterranean world. The story of Southern Arabia and the Saba-Himyarites is a testament to the ingenuity and resilience of these ancient peoples, whose influence stretched far beyond their desert borders.
