In ancient times, unique natural products were highly prized in distant markets, with incense being a prime example. This fragrant resin, derived from trees thriving in hot, arid environments, was especially sought after. Unlike many crops, incense wasn’t significantly affected by seasonal weather changes, as it was a sap-based product.
Incense played a crucial role in religious rituals far from where it was grown, leading to the development of extensive transport networks to meet the global demand. From Western Europe to Han China, incense was a luxury item, often traded for precious metals. Notably, Pliny the Elder noted in the first century AD that top-quality frankincense and the finest resin-oil myrrh fetched high prices in Roman markets. To put it in perspective, the cost of the best myrrh was equivalent to fifty days’ wages for a skilled worker at that time.
The incense trade significantly influenced global resources and prosperity, especially for nations controlling it. This trade offered a steady, lucrative income, boosting the economies of regions near the Gulf of Aden. However, empires like Rome and Parthia, lacking similar valuable exports, had to use their limited gold and silver reserves to satisfy their incense demand.
Origins and use of Incense
Arabia, a key player in the ancient economy, was renowned for its vast production and trade of valuable incense, particularly frankincense and myrrh. These were in high demand in Rome for religious rituals and aromatic concoctions. By the first century BC, southern Arabian kingdoms had established incense tree plantations, trading their produce for gold and silver. This lucrative trade earned southern Arabia the moniker ‘Arabia Felix,’ meaning ‘Blessed Arabia.’
The unique climate around the Gulf of Aden, characterized by extreme heat and seasonal ocean monsoons, was ideal for growing frankincense (boswellia) and myrrh (commiphora) trees. These trees, native to the region and costly in foreign markets, were cultivated for their valuable resin. Frankincense trees, reaching up to 16 feet, thrive in dry woodlands and produce a thick, whitish sap. In contrast, myrrh trees, growing up to nine feet, prefer arid, rocky soils and yield a potent, reddish sap. Harvesting involves cutting the tree trunk and collecting the hardened sap droplets.
In ancient religions, frankincense and myrrh resins were integral, burned as offerings to gods in Greek, Persian, and Roman cultures. Their aromatic smoke added a sacred atmosphere to temples, contrasting starkly with the foul odors of ancient urban environments.
Egyptian rituals, as depicted in papyri, involved incense in embalming ceremonies, while the Book of the Dead describes its use in rites for the deceased. Herodotus records Egyptian sacrifices to Isis, where offerings included frankincense and myrrh.
Judaism also held incense in high regard. In Exodus and Leviticus, frankincense was used in offerings, and myrrh and cinnamon in anointing oils. The Tabernacle featured an incense altar, and the Temple of Solomon burned sacred incense in the Holy of Holies. The Talmud lists nineteen spices in the holy mixture ‘ketoret,’ highlighting its significance.
In Christianity, the New Testament mentions incense, alongside gold, as gifts from the Magi to Jesus, illustrating its value and symbolic importance across various cultures and religions.
In ancient times, incense played a significant role in various cultures. For example, at an annual festival for a god in Babylon, over 33 tons of incense were burned in front of a temple housing a gold statue of the deity. Babylonian households, especially the affluent, used incense in their ceremonies. Herodotus noted that Persian and Arabian couples used incense for ritual cleansing and perfuming before intimacy.
Incense even reached Central Asia’s steppe peoples. Scythian chiefs were embalmed with frankincense and aniseed, and their women created a fragrant paste from cypress, cedar, and frankincense for skin care. By 600 BC, Greeks, familiar with incense, incorporated it into their rituals. Sappho, the female poet, wrote about bowls filled with myrrh and cinnamon at Hector’s wedding. The philosopher Pythagoras suggested using frankincense in temple offerings instead of animal sacrifices, emphasizing its spiritual significance.
Frankincense and myrrh, with their distinct aromas, were burned on hot coals, often in ornate dishes or special burners, adding a ceremonial aspect to rituals. The Roman Imperial period saw incense become integral in state and domestic religious rites, from Senate meetings to household ceremonies. It was used in marriages, births, and even during sea voyages, symbolizing blessings and divine protection.
Interestingly, incense offerings didn’t always have to be grand. Heliodorus recounts a story where a character offers a modest sacrifice of frankincense at a shrine. Propertius describes his lover, Cynthia, bringing a small incense offering to a rustic altar. Even in dreams, as Martial’s friend experienced, incense was believed to ward off bad fortune, underscoring its deep-rooted cultural and spiritual importance.
Incense held a significant place in Roman culture, influencing various rituals and ceremonies. Ovid, for example, believed that incense could even sway the gods from causing misfortune. He detailed numerous Roman rituals, such as women using incense in public baths to honor Fortuna, or offerings of salt and incense to Ceres for a bountiful harvest. Cato, in his treatise on agriculture, advocated for incense use in pre-harvest sacrifices to Ceres.
In Roman funeral customs, incense was pivotal. Persius depicted it in ancestral tomb rituals, while Propertius described funerals of the wealthy featuring perfumed dishes. Incense was also crucial in cremation, masking the scent of burning corpses and honoring the deceased’s spirit. Prominent Roman families often competed in displaying wealth through lavish incense use at funerals. Martial humorously commented on thieves stealing funeral incense, highlighting its value.
Incense even found its way into Jewish burial practices, as noted in the New Testament’s account of Jesus’ burial with a mix of myrrh and aloes. Its use spread across various religions, evidenced by lamp burners in Persian and Celtic sacred sites. Yet, in contrast, Tacitus observed that Germanic cultures didn’t use spices in their funerals.
Pliny the Elder discussed the importance of perfume and scented substances in funeral rites, while Persius warned against cheap, odorless substitutes used by ungrateful heirs. Propertius, mourning his lover Cynthia, lamented the lack of fragrant offerings at her funeral and desired a simple burial for himself with modest scents.
Romans also used incense to honor the dead with garlands and wreaths. Pliny reported that the most fashionable garlands were made with genuine petals, sometimes imported from distant lands, and often steeped in perfume. These practices weren’t limited to the elite; they permeated all levels of society. Tibullus mentioned burning incense for personal celebrations like birthdays, while Propertius spoke of humble offerings in poor men’s rites.
During significant events like Vespasian’s coronation, different societal groups made offerings according to their means—rural people offered milk, urban dwellers burned incense, and the poorest used salted-cakes. Similarly, incense was used to seek Jupiter’s favor for Emperor Domitian’s reign, as noted by Martial, demonstrating its pervasive role in Roman spiritual and social life.
Even those with limited means in ancient Rome often allocated part of their modest income to purchase incense, hoping to secure divine protection and favor. Evidence from a shopping list found in Pompeii shows that a small household, which included slaves, spent on essentials like bread, dates, cheese, and a small amount of incense, the latter being the least expensive item.
Pliny the Elder recognized the cumulative effect of these small, frequent offerings. He highlighted the extensive use of incense in funerals and religious rituals throughout the Roman Empire, noting the significant export of bullion to acquire large quantities of incense. He observed the lavish use of incense in funerals, at times overshadowing temple dedications, and questioned the balance between offerings made to the gods and those for the dead.
The Roman State, benefiting from import taxes, accumulated large stocks of foreign goods, including incense. This allowed for extravagant public spectacles like games, processions, and state funerals. Tacitus recorded that Nero’s wife Poppaea was embalmed with spices, a practice unusual in Rome, and Pliny remarked on the extraordinary quantity of perfumes used in her funeral rites.
Common citizens also participated in grand displays. Pliny recounted an incident where a chariot race fan threw himself into a sports champion’s funeral pyre, an act derided by rivals who claimed he was overwhelmed by the intense scents burned at the funeral.
Pliny also mentioned Gaius Caecilius Isidorus, a freedman who left a fortune for his funeral rites. Even Emperor Vespasian, known for his frugality, had a state funeral costing a substantial sum, despite suggestions to economize. These anecdotes illustrate the deep-rooted importance of incense in Roman culture, from the daily lives of ordinary citizens to the grand ceremonies of the elite.
The Romans innovated by creating incense-based libation oils that replicated the scent without needing to burn the incense. These oils were used in various religious contexts, such as pouring over altars or anointing sacrificial animals. Some tombs even had libation funnels to channel these offerings directly to the deceased’s resting place. Cremation jars could be designed to allow relatives to pour perfumed oil into the ashes of their loved ones.
As consumerism grew, Roman society found diverse uses for incense. It was blended into perfumes, used in medical remedies, and even incorporated into food and drink. Greek doctors, like Celsus, recommended using myrrh or frankincense gum for wound healing. Myrrh, known for its pain-relieving properties, was offered to Jesus in wine during his crucifixion. Romans also enjoyed incense-flavored wines, adding spices like nard, cinnamon, and ginger to enhance the taste.
However, this widespread use blurred the lines between incense for religious rituals and personal enjoyment. The same scents associated with divine favor were used in everyday perfumes. Soldiers, for instance, anointed their standards with special libations for divine protection in battle, a practice that extended to personal grooming, as they also perfumed their hair under their helmets.
Pliny the Elder commented on the diverse grades and varieties of frankincense and myrrh available by AD 70. He described three grades of frankincense and multiple types of myrrh, each with distinct characteristics and prices. Myrrh from Somalia, for instance, was dry and dusty but had a strong scent, while cultivated myrrh and other varieties had different price points and qualities. The market prices for these products fluctuated, dependent on supply and demand.
This detailed account showcases the complexity and breadth of the incense trade in the Roman world, reflecting its integral role in both religious rituals and everyday life.
Medicines
In ancient times, the established incense market motivated traders to bring in similar items from distant lands. India, with its high-altitude Himalayan regions and lush tropical southern jungles, was a treasure trove of plants, particularly those with medicinal properties. Aelian noted India’s richness in life-saving medicinal plants. Similarly, Pliny mentioned that remedies, often sourced from Arabia and India, were used even for minor sores, with these regions being seen as medicinal hubs.
The far east offered many unique products that captivated Roman society. Their uses varied from medicines to flavorings and perfumes. Pliny spoke of a red bark, macir, from India, which when boiled with honey, treated dysentery effectively. Indian lyceum was a remedy for acne, sores, and throat infections. Other concoctions were used to treat impotence, aid digestion, or induce vomiting. Arabian aloe, a strong laxative, helped both humans and cattle with intestinal issues. Additionally, warm ointments made from eastern ingredients were used for muscle and menstrual pain relief. Egyptian papyri describe the use of incense gum for nosebleeds and Indian resins in pastes for toothaches. Eye salves made from resins helped with optic muscle strain and infections, while skin ulcers were treated with pastes containing eastern resins and indigo dyes.
Pliny advocated for a healthy diet as the best disease prevention method, suggesting that eastern imports were better suited for perfumes, luxuries, or worship. He personally avoided remedies from India, Arabia, or beyond.
Medical remedies often combined various eastern ingredients. Celsus, a first-century AD medical writer, described healing salves containing pepper, cinnamon, nard, cassia, myrrh, frankincense, aloes, antimony sulphate, and opium from poppies. The famed doctor Galen identified five types of cinnamon, blending them with other components to create preventative thetics for early-stage illnesses. His studies on Somali cinnamon were cut short when a fire destroyed his medical storehouse, the Horrea Piperataria.
Flavourings
Roman cuisine was a playground for innovation, with cooks vying to create unique flavors by mixing ingredients like nard, cinnamon, ginger, and incense. Pliny noted this trend, observing how tastes were enhanced by blending flavors from various regions, including India, Egypt, Crete, and Cyrene.
These exotic ingredients were not just limited to food. Wines and the staple Mediterranean olive oil were also infused with these foreign flavors. Virgil lamented how cinnamon was overwhelming the simplicity of olive oil. Martial and Persius commented on the indulgence of adding nard to wine and the loss of simplicity in olive oil, respectively.
Pliny detailed how expensive malabathrum, a type of cinnamon, was used to add a strong aroma to lukewarm wines. He described how winemakers would add a blend of nard, cinnamon bark, cardamom, saffron, dates, and other ingredients to enhance their products, creating ‘savoury wine’ and peppered wines.
The trend of blending flavors was so prevalent that Martial likened a couple at a wedding to the luxurious combination of cinnamon and nard. Similarly, the importation of giant clams from the Indian Ocean, known as tridacna, added a touch of extravagance to Roman banquets. These clams were so big that it took several servings to consume them, and their addition to the Roman diet was a symbol of luxury.
In the realm of seafood, Apicius suggested serving shellfish with pepper and dry mint, but the ultimate dish was enhanced with bay leaves and malabathrum, a costly spice. The extravagance of these dishes was such that Juvenal satirized Roman matrons indulging in these luxurious foods, describing scenes of excess and indulgence.
The variety of flavors available in Roman markets is further evidenced by the discovery of the Pozzino shipwreck. Archaeologists found wooden caskets containing spices like cinnamon, cumin, and vanilla, showcasing the diversity and richness of Roman culinary practices.
Personal Fragrances
The perfume trade thrived across the Roman Empire, blending African barks, Arabian incense, and Indian spices with carrier oils to craft distinctive fragrances. Cinnamon bark was particularly favored, but the use of sacred substances meant many perfumes straddled the line between personal luxury and religious practice.
Certain areas, like Campania, were renowned for their perfume production, outdoing others in scent creation as others did in olive oil. Italian perfumers primarily used rose extracts, enriched by a variety of Eastern ingredients. The trade’s breadth is evidenced by finds of alabaster vases, lead flasks, and glass unguentaria. In Roman Egypt, these were often buried with the deceased, indicating a cross-over between daily life and funerary practices. The recycling of lead and glass, and reuse of alabaster vessels, reflect the ancient consumer culture’s scope but not its full scale.
By the first century AD, intensely sweet scents were in vogue, with East African or Southeast Asian cinnamon being key. Pliny noted cinnamon’s universal appeal, enhancing any perfume and deemed a ‘prime scent’. Luxurious cinnamon unguents often included myrrh, honey, and Palestinian balsam. Prices varied widely, influenced by ingredient quality and external factors like supply disruptions.
Perfumes were sometimes colored with dyes like red cinnabar, but cautiously to avoid staining skin and clothing. Women displayed their perfumes in glass-crystal jars or quartz vials, but due to sunlight’s degrading effect, opaque containers were preferable. Perfumes were crafted in shop backrooms, and lingering customers often left carrying the shop’s scent, a metaphor Seneca used to illustrate the influence of a great philosopher.
Containers evolved in fashion, from Arabian white marble to honey-swirled alabaster jars, the latter becoming the preferred choice for perfumed oils. Horace’s invitation to Virgil, offering wine for a small jar of nard, reflects this trend. Pliny rated Iranian alabaster highest, followed by Indian and Syrian varieties.
Nard, a Himalayan plant, was used in costly libation oils for religious rituals and as personal perfume. The New Testament recounts how Jesus was anointed with nard oil in a symbolic act tied to Jewish funeral customs. The significant cost of this perfume, 300 denarii, caused some to question its use, but Jesus explained its purpose in preparing for his burial.
The Muziris Papyrus documents the Hermapollon returning from India with valuable nard. Pliny’s records of market prices for nard leaf align with New Testament accounts when considering the yield from raw product and dilution with carrier oils. This indicates the substantial quantity of nard leaf needed to produce a single pound of pure-nard perfume.
Nard, a luxury perfume in Roman times, was frequently mixed with other ingredients to either reduce costs or create new fragrances. Juvenal noted its popularity among Roman matrons, highlighting their indulgence in scents brought by “slender Indians.” Pliny mentioned that skilled perfumers would blend nard with nine different plant species to maintain its essence while making it more affordable, increasing their profit margins. He also indicated that adding ingredients like costus and amomum could intensify nard’s scent, or myrrh and saffron to transform it into a healing ointment or medicine.
Pliny was critical of expensive perfumes, considering them the epitome of unnecessary luxury. He argued that unlike jewels or clothes that have lasting value, perfumes quickly lose their scent and are enjoyed more by others than the wearer. He pointed out that the allure for women was the ability to captivate men’s attention with their scent, even though it involved spending a hefty amount on something that primarily benefited others.
Money spent on incense and perfume was sometimes used to conceal bribes or theft, as these transactions left no tangible product. Pliny the Younger recounted how a North African civic official bribed a Roman governor, disguising the act by recording a large sum under ‘perfumes’ in the civic treasury accounts, exploiting the common practice of spending on libations and incense.
Seneca commented on the fleeting nature of ancient scents, observing that men reapplied perfumes multiple times a day to maintain their effect. He noted a stark contrast between the scented individuals of his era and those from a generation before, who would now seem unscented. Juvenal mocked two men, Montanus and Crispinus, for their overpowering use of perfume.
Athenaeus highlighted Tarsus in Asia Minor for producing the finest nard perfume from the spikenard root. He also mentioned Pergamon’s famed unguent made from frankincense, a creation of a local perfumer. However, the perfumer’s fame was short-lived, as fashions changed and his secret techniques were either replicated or became less appealing to trend-driven consumers. This showcases the volatile nature of the ancient perfume industry, where popularity and innovation were fleeting.
In the late first century AD, Cosmus and Nicanor were Rome’s leading perfume-makers, catering to the elite and fashion-conscious. Martial’s desire for his book to be popular among the affluent is evident in his wish for its pages to be greased with Cosmus’s luxurious unguents.
Seneca depicted Roman feasts as multisensory events, complete with music and a variety of perfumes, ensuring even the nostrils were entertained. Juvenal echoed this sentiment, mentioning the use of garlands and perfumes at such gatherings. A Pompeian mural further illustrates this practice, showing servants providing guests with towels, garlands, and a box of ointments.
The custom of offering scents to guests at banquets was widespread. Martial criticized a host named Zoilus for his stinginess in perfume sharing, despite being drenched in Cosmus’s essences. He also lamented another host who provided fine perfumes but meager food, comparing the experience to that of a corpse.
Perfumed hair oils were also popular. Marcellus, known for such products, was mentioned by Martial, who criticized a wealthy ex-slave’s excessive use. Ovid cautioned women about men using nard oil, warning of their insincere flattery.
Nero’s use of fragrant oils for foot deodorization puzzled Pliny, who questioned the effectiveness of scents on feet. He also heard of unguents used in private baths. Theophrastus discussed long-lasting powders for clothing and bedding, while Pliny mentioned cinnamon for fabric fragrance.
Some Romans added scents to drinks for sweet-smelling breath. Cosmus capitalized on this trend, selling engraved crystal cups. Martial humorously noted the limited greenery in his suburban allotment compared to the residue in Cosmus’s perfumed vases.
Cosmus’s mouthwashes, designed to mask hangover aftertastes and dyed in attractive colors, were noted by Martial. However, they stained teeth and didn’t prevent stomach odors. He also described Coracinus, who took pride in his scent of lavender and cinnamon, exuding the odor of Nicerotius’s leaden vases.
Roman poets often linked courtship, sensual pleasure, and perfume. Pliny mentioned the use of malabathrum leaves under the tongue for sweeter breath. Propertius and Martial both evoked images of lovers’ kisses being as sweet as Arabian perfumes or offerings at altars. Martial humorously complained about a woman named Gellia, whose excessive use of fragrance made it seem as if Cosmus’s shop had spilled its contents around her.
Perfume phials were a cherished gift during courtship in ancient Rome, and Martial often rewarded his lovers with such fragrances. He once deliberated over a suitable gift for Phyllis after a pleasurable night, considering whether to present her with a pound of perfume from Cosmus or Niceros, or ten gold coins. This reflects the high value placed on perfumes in romantic contexts. Similarly, Martial criticized a young woman named Aegle for demanding either a pound of Cosmian unguent or eight gold coins in exchange for kisses, indicating the significant cost of such luxuries.
Eastern substances were also key in beauty creams and lotions used by Roman women. Ovid’s recipe for a beauty cream, which included incense, promised a beautiful complexion. Lucian humorously described the transformation of Roman women from their natural state in the morning to their made-up appearance, achieved through various scented powders and treatments.
These beauty rituals extended to elaborate hairstyles. Wealthy Roman women sported bee-hive coiffures and braided weaves, achieved using perfumed oils and heated tongs. Juvenal humorously described the towering hairstyles of Roman matrons, while Lucian emphasized the extensive effort involved, mentioning the use of Arabian perfumes. Martial’s gift of a gold hairpin, intended to protect bright silks from moistened locks, illustrates the intricate relationship between hairdos and fashion accessories.
Nero’s poetry about Poppaea’s auburn hair led to a trend of hair dyeing and the creation of a new fragrance, ‘Poppaean Unguent’, based on her preferences. Juvenal sarcastically commented on the overpowering scent of this unguent, while Dio Chrysostom observed that some men were spending as much time as women on hair dyeing and perfuming.
The demand for elaborate hairstyles also popularized wigs and hair extensions in Rome. High-quality hair from India, donated by Hindu women to temples, was a prized commodity. This hair was collected, sold to foreign merchants, and listed among the goods taxed at Alexandria, reflecting its importance in Roman fashion trends.
Balsam
The balm referenced in the Old Testament, identified as a unique form of myrrh called balsam, played a significant role in ancient trade, particularly in the Judean kingdom. This substance, renowned for its medical properties, was a major revenue source for rulers controlling its production. Described as a short evergreen shrub, the balsam tree produced a sap-resin with a strong perfume, highly valued alongside costly Arabian aromatics. Modern botanists, however, struggle to link ancient descriptions of balsam with any known species today. Initially native to southern Arabia, balsam was successfully cultivated in Judea by the 5th century BC, with its Arabian origins declining.
The specific conditions of the Jordan Valley, lying over 900 feet below sea level, provided an ideal environment for balsam cultivation. This unique climate enabled Judea to maintain a monopoly in balsam production, as attempts to grow it elsewhere failed. Archaeological evidence points to Engedi in the Jordan Valley as a significant site for balsam cultivation, transforming it into a thriving oasis.
The value of balsam is noted early in the biblical narrative of Genesis, where Joseph is sold into slavery to merchants carrying spices, balm, and myrrh. Jacob, later seeking to trade with Egypt, included balm among the valuable items sent as diplomatic gifts.
Historical texts link balsam cultivation in Judea to King Solomon, who, according to Josephus, received balsam shrubs as a gift from the Queen of Sheba. References in the Song of Solomon and Talmudic tradition suggest its use in royal gardens and as an anointing oil for Jewish royalty.
Balsam’s significance extended beyond Judea. The prophet Jeremiah mentioned balsam from Engedi in the context of healing, while Ezekiel’s prophecies highlight its role in the commercial wealth of Tyre, a major Phoenician trading city.
The ancient rulers of Judea ingeniously harnessed the region’s water resources to transform the arid lands around Jericho into lush gardens. By channeling water from a spring at Jericho across a vast area, they created a fertile oasis, filled with palms and rare fruit trees, in the harsh environment of the Jordan Valley. This transformation was so impressive that Strabo likened the fertile plain of the valley to a vast amphitheater, encircled by imposing mountains, with numerous streams and dwellings, including a royal palace, within the oasis.
Profits from Balsam
The balsam from the Jordan Valley, with its soothing properties, was highly regarded in the ancient Greek and Roman worlds, often preferred over myrrh oil from southern Arabia. Its medicinal effects and rarity ensured it fetched high prices throughout the Mediterranean.
The Greeks learned about balsam cultivation around 330 BC during Alexander the Great’s conquest of the Near East. The main balsam groves were in Engedi and a larger plantation near Jericho. Theophrastus reported that these groves produced 42 pints of resin per harvest, valued at twice the weight of silver.
Josephus praised the Jordan Valley as Judea’s most productive region, with its gardens of fruit-bearing palms and honey production. He noted the valley’s mild climate, where people wore linen even in winter. Strabo likened the royal groves at Jericho to a paradise, a term later associated with the Garden of Eden.
The balsam plants, resembling bushy shrubs, were carefully tended. Workers made precise incisions in the bark using tools like glass, stone, or bone to avoid tainting the resin. The sap, resembling olive oil, was collected, stored, and fermented into a potent red substance, also producing xylobalsam woodchip as a by-product.
This balsam crop was a significant revenue source for local rulers. Judea’s independence in the 160s BC, followed by Roman annexation under Pompey and the subsequent control by Mark Antony and Cleopatra, highlights its importance. Cleopatra seized the Jericho groves, renting them back to King Herod at a steep cost. Her meetings with Herod in these gardens underscored her authority and the groves’ value.
Cleopatra’s rent suggests the Jericho oasis was highly profitable, potentially generating over 1,200 talents annually, a significant portion of Judea’s total revenue. After Octavian’s victory in 30 BC, he returned the groves to Judean control under Herod, boosting the kingdom’s revenues and demonstrating the strategic and economic importance of these balsam crops.
Roman Balsam
Under Roman rule, the balsam from Judea, particularly from the Jericho and Engadi groves, gained exclusive status as the sole major incense crop within the Empire. Its importance soared due to its versatile applications, ranging from medical remedies to religious offerings and personal fragrances.
Pliny acknowledged balsam’s role as a perfume, but its medicinal properties were equally significant. Tacitus referred to it as a ‘sap utilized by physicians,’ highlighting its role in pain relief and eye treatments. Galen recommended a specific medical balsam from Engedi, while Strabo and Dioscorides recognized its effectiveness in treating headaches and improving eyesight.
The Roman annexation of Judea in AD 6 brought the lucrative balsam gardens under imperial control, maximizing their revenue potential. The Romans, skilled in terrace agriculture, innovated balsam cultivation by creating terraced plantations and introducing irrigation systems, likening the process to vineyard management.
Pliny detailed these advancements, noting the transformation of balsam crops to resemble vineyards. Roman management increased the frequency of resin collection and maximized the use of all parts of the balsam plant. This included selling cuttings and branches to unguent-makers and marketing the seeds as a spicy culinary ingredient.
Under Roman stewardship, the productivity of the balsam estates in Jericho reached unprecedented levels. Pliny reported that despite their small size, the balsam shrubs’ output was plentiful, with a single tree producing over six pints of sap. With thousands of trees across the gardens, the annual yield was over 20,000 pints of balsam, valued at about 1,200 sesterces per pint, equating to a staggering 26 million sesterces annually.
To contextualize this wealth, when Herod Agrippa ruled Judea and Samaria in AD 41, his revenues from these extensive territories amounted to approximately 48 million sesterces per year. Thus, the balsam gardens alone could generate more than half of this sum, underlining their immense value. The income from balsam was substantial enough to pay twice the annual wages of the Roman Legion stationed in Palestine, illustrating the profound economic impact of this exclusive incense crop.
Balsam, a highly prized commodity in ancient Rome, not only generated significant revenue from its primary gardens but also from the by-products of its cultivation. Pliny reported that within five years after Judea’s re-conquest (AD 70-75), the sale of balsam cuttings and shoots brought in an additional 800,000 sesterces. He noted that wood-balsam, priced at 24 sesterces a pound, indicated an annual sale of over 16 tons of waste cuttings.
The Roman government maximized profits by holding state-run auctions for balsam products. Pliny mentioned that unguent-makers could triple their investment by diluting pure balsam oil with other ingredients. Martial’s writings reflect the high demand for balsam, considered a masculine fragrance, contrasting with the perfumes of Cosmus preferred by matrons.
The strategic importance of balsam was evident during the Jewish uprising against Rome in AD 66. The Roman treasury valued the balsam groves more than entire cities, and fierce battles were fought to protect these assets. The Sicarii, a group of Jewish zealots, targeted Engedi, looting its balsam grove, which likely left the Jericho gardens as the sole surviving source of balsam.
After the conflict, Roman efforts to restore and expand balsam cultivation were successful. Vespasian and Titus showcased the balsam tree in their victory triumph, symbolizing Rome’s control over this precious resource. Solinus suggested that the Romans expanded balsam cultivation near Jericho following the Jewish War. Archaeological finds support this, with evidence of ancient unguent processing installations discovered in the region.
In the second century AD, Roman authorities permitted Jewish nobility to cultivate their own balsam allotments. The Talmud distinguishes between imperial balsam and that of Rabbi Judah the Prince, likely granted cultivation rights by Emperor Antoninus Pius.
Additionally, the Romans established balsam production at a military site near the Dead Sea. Eusebius and Jerome mentioned balsam cultivation at Zoara and Engedi in their writings. An inscription in a synagogue at Engedi, warning against revealing the ‘secret of the town,’ might refer to guarded balsam cultivation techniques.
Unfortunately, balsam cultivation ceased in the sixth century AD due to revolts and invasions. While no living balsam plants remain, archaeologists have found residues in ancient containers, including a jar at Masada labeled ‘balsam juice’ and a jug at Qumran containing a dark liquid from King Herod’s time.
Efforts to rediscover and potentially revive ancient balsam cultivation are ongoing. If successful, modern society might again experience this historic essence, renowned for its medicinal properties and religious significance. Balsam, as an exclusive and valuable product of a specific region, stands as one of the rarest and most cherished commodities of the ancient world.
