Ancient Egypt is often called the “gift of the Nile,” a phrase that highlights the vital role the river played in nurturing the region every late summer with its floods. This made Egypt a lush oasis in the midst of the vast Sahara Desert. However, Egypt’s early days were quite different. The climate wasn’t always as dry as today’s Upper Egypt, one of the world’s most arid regions. Instead, it fluctuated between extreme dryness and milder, Sahelian conditions. The Nile itself has also changed over time. It wasn’t always the meandering river we see today. There were times when it was reduced to isolated temporary basins or had low flow, clogged by its own sediment. The river enriched Egypt with fertile soil only when its sources extended to Ethiopia. Moreover, while the Nile was a source of life, it also eroded ancient archaeological sites, which explains why we find so few remains from Egypt’s earliest inhabitants.
Egypt’s location also made it a key route for early human migration from East Africa to other parts of the Old World. Evidence suggests that Homo erectus left Africa and reached Israel about 1.8 million years ago, so it’s likely they passed through and even stayed in the Nile Valley. Sadly, the evidence for this is scarce and undateable due to a lack of supporting details. In some Early and Middle Pleistocene layers, tools and flakes similar to those found with early hominids in East Africa have been unearthed in gravel quarries at Abbassiya and Theban gravel deposits. However, most of these supposed ‘artifacts’ might not be man-made, and they all come from secondary contexts.
The Lower Palaeolithic
Numerous Lower Paleolithic artifacts, including many Acheulean handaxes, have been discovered in local gravel deposits in Egypt. Despite the absence of human bones from this period, it’s likely that Homo erectus created these tools. Initially, researchers believed these artifacts could be linked to a Nile terrace timeline due to a misunderstanding of desert geomorphology, but this isn’t the case. It seems Homo erectus regularly passed through the area, leaving behind handaxes at various sites. Natural processes like pedimentation and river erosion scattered these artifacts, making it common to find Acheulean handaxes in the current desert regions of the Nile Valley. Early in the 20th century, hills near Deir el-Medina and the Valley of the Kings were popular spots for finding these handaxes. Although dating these isolated finds is challenging, they likely represent the remnants of significant Acheulean sites eroded over time.
In areas like Nag Ahmed el-Khalifa near Abydos, artifacts have been found grouped together, even if moved from their original locations. In the Qena region, concentrations of handaxes sit atop the first clay layers, indicating a connection to the Nile’s Ethiopian headwaters. The age of these sites is roughly estimated at 400,000-300,000 years ago, but this is speculative. To fully understand the Acheulean presence, more data on spatial distribution and associated animal remains are needed.
Our understanding of prehistoric Nubia is relatively robust, thanks to rescue excavations conducted in the 1960s before Lake Nasser flooded the area. Acheulean sites in Nubia were mainly on inselbergs (eroded hilltops) known for ferruginous sandstone, ideal for tool-making. Given the long exposure of these sites, we expect to find only stone tools, with limited information and dating primarily based on typology. Interestingly, the lack of cleavers in these sites suggests that Acheulean Nubia might have been a distinct cultural region within Africa.
In the Western Desert, several Final Acheulean sites, particularly around the Kharga and Dakhla oases and at Bir Sahara and Bir Tarfawi, have been identified. These sites, associated with fossil springs and playa deposits, indicate wetter conditions suitable for hunter-gatherers. While many of these sites are poorly preserved, there is potential for undiscovered, well-preserved Acheulean sites along ancient channels in the Western Desert, as indicated by radar from the space shuttle.
The Middle Palaeolithic
The Middle Paleolithic period in Egypt presents a complex landscape, evolving from the Late Acheulean era. This transition is marked by handaxes being joined by bifacial foliates and the emergence of a distinctive Nubian knapping technique. These artifact assemblages could date back to before 250,000 years ago. Like the Acheulean period, many of these artifacts are now scattered across the desert, separated from their original sites. The abundance of these artifacts suggests a possibly high population density during this time.
A key feature of the Egyptian Middle Paleolithic is the introduction of the Levallois technique, which allowed for the precise shaping of flakes and blades from flint nodules. This period also saw the use of the Nubian Levallois method, specifically for creating pointed flakes. Various types of artifacts can be identified from this era, but their exact chronology remains uncertain. However, ongoing research, particularly in the Western Desert and the Qena area, is shedding light on this.
In Nubia, the Middle Paleolithic is characterized by the Nubian Levallois technique, along with bifacial foliates and pedunculates. Numerous sites in Nubia showcase this, but in Egypt, well-preserved sites of this nature are yet to be discovered. Significant discoveries have been made regarding the mid-Middle Paleolithic, particularly at Bir Tarfawi and Bir Sahara in the Western Desert. These well-preserved Saharan Mousterian sites indicate accessibility only during wetter periods, which were brief interruptions in an otherwise dry climate.
During various periods, the Western Desert hosted permanent lakes or seasonal playas, nourished by local rainfall that could reach 500 mm annually. Sometimes, these lakes were over 7 meters deep. The area was deserted during periods of intense dryness. The tools commonly found include side-scrapers, points, and denticulates. While the lake and playa environments likely offered abundant plant resources, no direct archaeological evidence of this has been found. The animal remains suggest a diverse diet, ranging from small animals like hares and porcupines to larger ones like buffalo and giraffes. Dominantly, small gazelles, especially the dorcas species, were hunted, indicating selective, possibly seasonal hunting, supplemented by opportunistic hunting of larger animals.
The variation in artifacts and their contexts across different sites may reflect the diverse activities undertaken at these locations. Sites in fossil hydromorphic soils, with low artifact densities, suggest limited, intermittent use during very dry years. Sites in beach sands were likely used more frequently, except during peak water levels in summer. Sites on dry lake beds indicate usage during particularly arid times when the lakes had dried up.
The Sodmein Cave near Quseir in the Red Sea mountains offers insights into the Egyptian Middle Paleolithic period, indicating wetter conditions with evidence of large mammals like crocodiles, elephants, buffalo, and kudu. This cave was visited repeatedly over a long period, but only briefly each time, evidenced by large hearths found there.
In the Nile Valley, life during this period might have been similar, but evidence from floodplain sites is yet to be discovered. Instead, what we have found are sites like Nazlet Khater and Taramsa, where Middle Paleolithic groups sought chert cobbles for tool-making. These groups employed different knapping methods: Group K used the classical Levallois method and flake production from single and double platform cores, while Group N favored the Nubian Levallois method. Tools are rare at these quarry sites since the artifacts were probably taken to living sites, likely situated on the Nile floodplain, now buried under recent alluvium.
Late Middle Paleolithic materials, including Halfan and Safahan artifacts, have been found at extraction sites like Nazlet Safaha and living sites near Edfu. The Halfan industry was primarily in Nubia. Compared to the mid-Middle Paleolithic, the Nubian Levallois technique waned, and an evolved classical Levallois method was used alongside flake and blade production. Tools like burins, notches, and denticulates became prevalent. The climate then shifted to arid and hyperarid conditions, forcing people to rely almost entirely on floodplain resources. This likely led to a population concentration in the Nile Valley.
During the Taramsan phase of the Middle Paleolithic, there was a clear shift towards blade production from large cores, as seen at Taramsa-I near Qena. This site demonstrates an increasing interest in blade production, a precursor to the Upper Paleolithic era. Similar developments occurred in the Negev, like at Boker Tachtit around 45,000 BP. The oldest known African grave, that of an anatomically modern child, was found at Taramsa-I and dates to the late Middle Paleolithic.
The extraction techniques at these sites were simple but effective, tailored to the natural chert occurrences. Open-trench and pit systems were used, with trenches showing irregular shapes and vertical walls. These findings indicate a complex social organization and a deep understanding of geology and geomorphology among Nile Valley inhabitants.
The ‘out-of-Africa’ theory suggests that modern Homo sapiens would have passed through the Nile Valley from East Africa to Asia. However, the archaeological connection between the Middle Paleolithic in Egypt and southwest Asia remains unclear. Lastly, the Aterian industry, significant in other parts of North Africa, is only found in some Western Desert oases in Egypt.
The Late Palaeolithic
During the Late Paleolithic period, between 21,000 and 12,000 years ago, Upper Egypt was home to many archaeological sites. The climate remained extremely dry, as it was in the Upper Paleolithic era. The Nile, affected by aridity in its headwaters and erosion in the Ethiopian highlands due to late glacial coldness, carried less water and more clays. These clay deposits created a thick alluvial layer in the Upper Egyptian floodplain, which was significantly higher than today’s level in Nubia. Conversely, no Late Paleolithic sites have been discovered in Lower and Middle Egypt, likely because the deeper cut of the Nile Valley there, caused by lower Mediterranean Sea levels, has been covered by more recent alluvial deposits.
Late Paleolithic sites in Upper Egypt show a wide typological variety. The origins of this period, however, are hard to trace due to limited knowledge of the Upper Paleolithic. The oldest known groups are the Fakhurian (21,000-19,500 BP) and the Kubbaniyan (19,000-17,000 BP), with the latter initially identified at Wadi Kubbaniya near Aswan and also found near Esna and Edfu. Wadi Kubbaniya’s sites are linked to a temporary lake, fed yearly by the Nile and later by the water table, creating an ideal environment for hunter-gatherers. These sites vary in location, from dune fields to flat silty plains and hillocks of fossil dunes.
The sites at Wadi Kubbaniya show evidence of repeated use by small groups, possibly several times a year, over a long period. The variety of plant remains indicates a seasonal diet, including dub-rush, camomile, and nut-grass tubers, the latter requiring thorough grinding to remove toxins, as evidenced by the numerous grinding stones found. Fishing was a major source of protein, with evidence of two distinct fishing seasons based on the types of fish remains found. Hunting of animals like hartebeest, wild cattle, and dorcas gazelle also played a significant role. The lithic technology primarily consisted of bladelets from opposed platform cores.
In the Fakhurian, four major tool classes are prevalent, with backed bladelets, some with Ouchtata retouch, being the most common. The Kubbaniyan is characterized by a predominance of backed bladelets, often with non-invasive nibbling retouch, forming a significant part of the tool assemblage.
The site E71K12 near Esna, either part of the Fakhurian or closely related, illustrates a kill-butchery camp. Located in a dune hollow with a seasonal pond fed by groundwater during the floods, it attracted animals from the floodplain, creating optimal hunting conditions. The primary prey included hartebeest, wild cattle, and gazelle, representing the typical subsistence pattern during the late flood and early post-flood periods.
The Ballanan-Silsilian industry, dating from 16,000 to 15,000 BP, is characterized by single and opposed platform core debitage and a toolset that includes backed and truncated bladelets. Notably, it utilized the microburin technique, a shared innovation with regions like the Negev and southern Israel and Jordan. While well-crafted burins are common in this industry, Ouchtata retouch and geometric microliths are rare, and end-scrapers are not frequently encountered.
Climatic shifts at the end of the last Ice Age led to extremely high Nile discharges around 13,000-12,000 BP, dubbed the ‘Wild Nile’ stage. This phenomenon was influenced by conditions in sub-Saharan Africa, though Egypt itself experienced no local rainfall. Makhadma-4, a key site of the Afian industry (12,900-12,300 BP) and located above the modern floodplain near Qena, was spared from these catastrophic floods. Its location, on the desert fringe, was ideal for fishing, as indicated by a high proportion of Tilapia and Clarias fish remains. The methods of fishing and evidence of fish preservation through drying suggest sophisticated techniques and repeated site use over an extended period.
The Isnan industry, present between Wadi Kubbaniya and the Dishna plain, is notable for its rough knapping techniques and a tool inventory dominated by end-scrapers on flakes. At the Makhadma-2 site, fishing for Clarias was a key economic activity, coinciding with the Wild Nile floods around 12,300 BP.
The Qadan industry, spanning from the second cataract to southern Egypt, is remarkable for its microlithic flake assemblage and its association with three cemeteries. The most significant is the Gebel Sahaba cemetery, where fifty-nine skeletons, many showing signs of violent death, were excavated. The graves, simple pits covered with sandstone slabs, date to around 12,000 BP. The evidence of violence and multiple burials, including women and children, suggest a dramatic event, possibly linked to the challenging living conditions during the Wild Nile phase.
The Sebilian industry, despite its uncertain chronology, is notable for its widespread presence and unique lithic technology, favoring large flakes and quartzitic sandstones or volcanic rocks. This distinction suggests that the Sebilian might represent groups moving northwards along the Nile from the south.
Regarding rock art, Late Paleolithic representations have been identified, such as at Abka near the second cataract and at el-Hôsh, south of Edfu. The fish traps depicted at el-Hôsh align with the fishing practices observed at sites like Makhadma-4.
After the Late Palaeolithic, there appears to be a hiatus in the Nile Valley’s occupation, with only a few small Arkinian sites around 9400 BP near the second cataract. This gap is often attributed to environmental changes affecting the floodplain, but it is possible that sites from this period are simply buried under modern alluvium, especially considering the narrowing of the floodplain and the typical location of sites along the desert fringe.
Saharan Neolithic/Ceramic
Towards the end of the Middle Paleolithic, the Western Desert of Egypt was abandoned, only to be reoccupied around 9300 BC during the Holocene wet phase. The absence of human activity before the Early Neolithic and after this period resulted in excellent archaeological preservation. With annual rainfall during the early Holocene estimated at just 100-200 mm, mostly during a brief summer season, the region could only support desert-adapted animals like hares and gazelles. This marked a significant improvement in living conditions compared to the Upper and Late Paleolithic periods.
The settlers of the Western Desert likely originated from the Nile Valley, a hypothesis supported by similarities in lithic technology. The Saharan Neolithic is identified primarily due to evidence of cattle herding, rather than agriculture, which differentiates it from contemporaneous cultures in Israel where the Neolithic economy included agriculture and later animal domestication.
This Neolithic period in the Western Desert is divided into Early (8800-6800 BC), Middle (6500-5100 BC), and Late (5100-4700 BC) phases. The Early Neolithic, best represented by sites near Nabta Playa and Bir Kiseiba, consisted of small hunter-gatherer camps and larger sites in lower parts of playa basins, used seasonally due to flooding. Sedentism had not yet developed.
The lithic artifacts from this period include backed bladelets and geometries, with the microburin technique also present. Interestingly, every sizable faunal collection includes a few cattle bones, which some excavators believe were domesticated, as it is unlikely cattle could survive in such an arid environment without human support. The absence of hartebeest, which shares ecological niches with wild cattle, supports this view.
After 7500 BC, evidence of well-digging appears, with some wells featuring shallow basins for watering animals. The scarcity of cattle bones suggests their primary use was for milk and blood, rather than meat. These people also hunted local wildlife, mainly hares and gazelles.
Stone-grinding equipment found at nearly all sites indicates the processing of wild plant foods, confirmed by findings at Nabta Playa, including wild grasses and sorghum. Pottery, while scarce, was carefully made and decorated, indicating significant social and symbolic value. The use of ostrich eggshells as water containers was more common than pottery.
One notable Early Neolithic site, E-75-6 at Nabta Playa (circa 7000 BC), featured rows of huts, storage pits, and wells, suggesting a non-permanent settlement organized around a lake that stored subsurface water accessible during dry seasons. Despite its size, this site was not used year-round.
The Nile Valley Epipalaeolithic
From 7000 BC onwards, the Nile Valley witnessed the re-emergence of human groups, but the Epipalaeolithic sites from this era are scarce. Among these, two distinct cultures are identified: the Elkabian and the Qarunian. This period saw a continuation of the Paleolithic lifestyle, emphasizing hunting, fishing, and gathering.
The Elkabian sites, dating back to around 7000-6700 BC, have been well-preserved, primarily due to their location within a more recent Dynastic Period enclosure wall. These sites were situated on the banks of a silting Nile branch, with occupations occurring post-flood. The Epipalaeolithic fishing techniques at Elkab were more advanced compared to the Late Paleolithic, indicating the use of stable boats for fishing both in receding high waters and the main Nile channel. The more humid climate of the time allowed for hunting species like aurochs, dorcas gazelle, and barbary sheep in the wadi areas. The Elkabian industry is characterized by microlithic tools, including a significant number of microburins, showing similarities with the Early Neolithic culture of the Western Desert. Interestingly, the presence of grinding stones, some still bearing red pigment, at these sites does not necessarily imply plant processing. The discovery of Elkabian occupation at the Tree Shelter site in Wadi Sodmein, near Quseir in the Eastern Desert, suggests that the Elkabians were nomadic hunters, moving along east-west routes, with winter activities in the Nile Valley and summer in the desert.
The Qarunian culture, previously known as Faiyum B and associated with the Mesolithic era, was centered around the Proto-Moeris Lake, dating to around 7050 BC. The sites were initially located on elevated ground overlooking the lake, which has a history marked by several fluctuations in water levels. Fishing in the shallow waters of the lake was a key subsistence activity during the Qarunian phase, complemented by hunting and gathering. The Qarunian industry also features microlithic technology, aligning with the Elkabian and Early Neolithic cultures of the Western Desert. A notable find from this culture is the burial of a woman in her forties, whose physical features are markedly more modern than those from the Late Paleolithic.
In addition to these, there have been known microlithic industries in the Helwan area since the 19th century, which show resemblances to the Levantine Pre-Pottery Neolithic. However, the exact significance of these findings is unclear due to limited data. In the Eastern Desert, specifically in the Red Sea mountains, Neolithic settlements have been identified. Evidence from Sodmein Cave near Quseir suggests the introduction of domesticated sheep and goats during the early sixth millennium BC.
The Nile Valley Neolithic
From 7000 BC onward, in the Nile Valley, only two Epipalaeolithic cultures, the Elkabian and Qarunian, are distinctly recognized. These cultures continued the Paleolithic lifestyle of hunting, fishing, and gathering, with no significant shift towards agriculture, which was already established in the Levant by 8500 BC. Unfortunately, there is a gap in our knowledge about human populations in the Nile Valley between 7000 and 5400 BC.
The Tarifian culture, identified at sites like el-Tarif in the Theban necropolis and near Armant, represents a local Epipalaeolithic culture with ceramic elements. It shows no clear connection to later cultures such as the Naqada or the Badarian. Characterized by a flake industry with microlithic and some bifacial elements, the Tarifian culture’s pottery is mainly organic tempered but scant. There is no evidence of agriculture or animal breeding, and settlements resembled Final Palaeolithic camps.
The Faiyumian culture, aligning with Caton-Thompson’s Faiyum A culture, spanned from around 5450 to 4400 BC. This culture did not evolve from the Qarunian but rather shares technological similarities with the Late Neolithic of the Western Desert. Located along the ancient shores of Lake Faiyum, the Faiyumian people relied primarily on agriculture, evidenced by storage pits for grain. They cultivated barley, emmer wheat, and possibly flax, with communal agricultural practices suggested by grouped silos. Animal husbandry also played a significant role, including sheep/goats, cattle, and pigs, alongside continued fishing. The pottery is coarsely made, and the lithic industry includes a flake industry with some bifacial components.
Merimda Beni Salama, located on the western Nile Delta’s edge, represents a large settlement with a complex stratigraphy dating between 5000 and 4100 BC. This site shows three main cultural stages, with the earliest characterized by untempered polished ceramics, a herringbone pattern, and a flake lithic industry. The settlement likely combined agriculture, animal husbandry, fishing, and hunting. The subsequent stages at Merimda saw denser occupation, with oval dwellings, well-developed hearths, and granaries, indicating a more formal village life with contracted burials among the houses.
The el-Omari culture, dating to around 4600-4350 BC, was found in the Wadi Hof-Helwan area in Lower Egypt. This culture is characterized by simple settlements with storage and refuse pits and pit burials with contracted bodies. The pottery is organically tempered, and the lithic industry mirrors the improvements seen in Merimda. Subsistence was based on agriculture, animal husbandry, and particularly fishing, with little evidence of desert hunting.
The presence of domesticated goats in the Western and Eastern Deserts from around 5900 BC is notable, especially compared to their later appearance in the Nile Valley around five centuries subsequently.
The Badarian Culture
The Badarian culture, identified primarily in the region of El-Badari near Sohag in Upper Egypt, emerged around 5000 BC, with a more definitive span around 4400-4000 BC. This culture is best known from approximately 600 graves and about forty settlements found near villages such as Qau el-Kebir, Hammamiya, Mostagedda, and Matmar.
There has been debate over the existence of an earlier Tasian culture, characterized by round-based caliciform beakers with incised designs. However, its distinction as a separate entity from the Badarian culture remains unconfirmed. Some argue that the Tasian might represent a nomadic culture with Sudanese influence, interacting with the Badarian culture.
Badarian sites are predominantly known from cemeteries located in the low desert. The graves are simple pit burials, often with a mat for the body, which is typically in a loosely contracted position, head to the south, facing west. There is evidence of social stratification based on the unequal distribution of grave goods, indicating emerging social hierarchies.
The pottery of the Badarian culture is particularly notable. Handmade from Nile silt with very fine organic temper, this pottery is distinguished by its fine craftsmanship, with thin walls unmatched in later Egyptian periods. The shapes are mainly simple cups and bowls with rounded bases. Black-topped vessels are common, usually with a brownish surface, and some feature a ‘rippled surface’ for decorative effect. Decorated pottery is rare, but some have incised, white-filled geometric motifs.
The lithic industry is predominantly a flake and blade industry, supplemented by a limited number of bifacial tools like axes, sickles, and concave-base arrowheads. Other notable artifacts include personal items made from bone and ivory, such as hairpins and bracelets, as well as greywacke cosmetic palettes in rectangular or oval shapes. A few clay and ivory female statuettes have also been discovered, varying greatly in style. Hammered copper, though present, was limited.
Initially thought to be confined to the Badari region, Badarian artifacts have also been found further south in locations like Mahgar Dendera, Armant, Elkab, and Hierakonpolis, and to the east in the Wadi Hammamat.
