The Middle Kingdom of ancient Egypt (2055-1650 BC), unlike the disjointed First and Second Intermediate Periods, was a time of political unity. This era was primarily shaped by two dynasties: the 11th Dynasty, ruling from Thebes in Upper Egypt, and the 12th Dynasty, with its power center in Lisht in the Faiyum region. Initially, historians believed the Middle Kingdom was solely defined by these two dynasties. However, newer studies have clarified that the early part of the so-called 13th Dynasty, despite not fitting the traditional mold of a dynasty, is definitely part of the Middle Kingdom. This period saw no major shifts in capital location, government activity, or a decline in artistic endeavors. In fact, some of the finest Middle Kingdom art and literature emerged during the 13th Dynasty. One notable change, though, was a decrease in large-scale monumental constructions, suggesting the 13th Dynasty lacked the ambition and strength of the later 12th Dynasty rulers. This might be attributed to the shorter reigns of most 13th Dynasty kings, although the exact reasons for this political shift remain a mystery.
To grasp the essence of the Middle Kingdom, examining the succession of kings and their accomplishments is insightful, as they influenced the period’s political and cultural trajectories. A major challenge in understanding this era is the debate over possible ‘co-regencies’ in the 12th Dynasty. Did some rulers share power with their successors? This question arises from ‘double-dated stelae’, which feature names and different reign dates for successive kings, leading to scholarly division on whether these indicate shared rule or simply the tenure of stelae owners under different kings.
The chronology of the 12th Dynasty has evolved over time, influenced by new studies of dated monuments, sometimes suggesting shorter reigns than earlier sources like the Turin Canon or Manetho’s accounts. Controversy especially surrounds the reigns of Senusret II and III, with varying scholarly opinions on their duration. New findings, such as ‘hieratic control marks’ on Senusret III’s monuments and references to a ‘year 30’ of his reign, suggest longer reigns than previously thought. These discoveries could support the co-regency theory, but there’s also strong opposition to this idea.
Given the lack of established ‘absolute dates’ in Egyptian history until the late New Kingdom, and ongoing debates about dating schemes, revisions in the chronology of all pharaonic periods remain possible. Future archaeological discoveries, like those at Tell el-Dab’a, might shed more light on Middle Kingdom chronology. For now, the discussion in this chapter excludes co-regencies, awaiting more conclusive evidence.
Highlights
Some take ways highlights of the Middle Kingdom Period of ancient Egypt:
- Time Frame: The Middle Kingdom is traditionally considered to span from approximately 2050 to 1710 BC, covering the 11th to the 13th Dynasties.
- Political Stability and Unity: After a period of chaos and disunity during the First Intermediate Period, the Middle Kingdom marks a time of political stability and the reunification of Egypt under a central government.
- Capital City: The capital was moved from Thebes to a new city named Itjtawy, located near the entrance of the Faiyum.
- Cultural and Artistic Flourishing: This era is noted for its advancements in art, literature, and architecture. Art became more realistic, and literature developed significantly, with famous works like “The Story of Sinuhe” and “The Eloquent Peasant.”
- Economic Development: There was significant development in agriculture, particularly with the exploitation of the Faiyum region. Trade, both internal and with neighboring regions like Nubia, flourished.
- Religious Evolution: The Middle Kingdom saw changes in religious practices and beliefs. Osiris became more prominent as a god of the dead, and the concept of the afterlife became more democratized.
- Pharaohs of Note: Significant pharaohs of this period include Mentuhotep II, who is credited with reuniting Egypt, and Senusret III, known for his military campaigns and administrative reforms.
- Foreign Relations and Military Campaigns: There were military campaigns into Nubia and Syria, and fortresses were built to secure Egypt’s borders, especially in the Second Cataract of the Nile.
- Public Works and Architecture: Large-scale building projects were undertaken, including the construction of temples, fortresses, and canal systems. The craftsmanship in tomb and temple construction showed high levels of sophistication.
- Decline and End: The Middle Kingdom gradually weakened due to internal strife and external pressures, eventually leading to the Second Intermediate Period, characterized by the invasion of the Hyksos and further disunity.
The 11th Dynasty
Nebhepetra Mentuhotep II, ruling from 2055 to 2004 BC, was the first leader of Egypt’s 11th Dynasty to bring the entire country under his control. He likely succeeded Nakhtnebtepnefer Intef III, who reigned until 2055 BC, on the throne in Thebes. Mentuhotep II’s remarkable success in unifying Egypt didn’t go unnoticed, even in his time. Centuries later, during the 20th Dynasty, many private tombs still bore inscriptions praising him as the founder of the Middle Kingdom. The increase in historical records, a spike in construction, and the visible prosperity of Egypt in the latter part of his reign are testament to his ability to bring peace and stability. The flourishing of arts during this period further highlights his achievements. However, it’s quite striking to note that despite such an auspicious beginning, the 11th Dynasty faced its decline just nineteen years after Mentuhotep II’s death.
Nebhepetra Mentuhotep II
In Wadi Shatt el-Rigal, among ancient rock carvings, stands a notable relief of the 11th-Dynasty Pharaoh Nebhepetra Mentuhotep II. This artwork, portraying Mentuhotep II as a colossal figure alongside three others – his mother, likely predecessor Intef III, and Chancellor Khety – has been interpreted as evidence of Mentuhotep’s familial link to Intef III. Another relief from Tod, showing Mentuhotep overshadowing a line of three Intef kings, reinforces this notion of royal lineage. However, there’s speculation that these depictions might be an attempt to establish a royal connection, possibly countering rival claims from the Herakleopolitan rulers of the ‘House of Khety’.
Mentuhotep II’s reign over Thebes was initially peaceful for fourteen years before escalating into a brutal civil war with Herakleopolis. This conflict’s ferocity is vividly illustrated by the ‘tomb of the warriors‘ near Mentuhotep’s mortuary complex at Deir el-Bahri. Here, sixty warriors, killed in battle and buried together, hint at a significant and possibly heroic clash, perhaps linked to the war against Herakleopolis.
Upon the death of the Herakleopolitan ruler Merykara, who predeceased Mentuhotep’s arrival in Herakleopolis, the northern resistance faltered, and Egypt’s reunification began under Mentuhotep’s rule. This period of reunification, marked by intermittent conflicts, saw changes in burial customs, including weapons as grave goods and armed depictions of administrators on funerary stelae. However, as peace and prosperity grew, such martial symbols became less common.
Mentuhotep also extended his influence into Nubia, which had regained independence during the Old Kingdom’s decline. Inscriptions from Deir el-Ballas mention his campaigns in Lower Nubia (Wawat), and he established a garrison at Elephantine to facilitate southern military operations.
Additionally, Mentuhotep II sought to elevate his status through self-deification. Described as ‘the son of Hathor’ and appropriating divine headgear at various sites, he even adopted the guise of the god Min. This self-deification, including adopting the Horus name Netjeryhedjet (‘the divine one of the white crown’), predated similar practices in the New Kingdom, underscoring his efforts to revive ruler worship.
His self-promotion was also marked by changing his Horus name several times, each likely signifying a key political moment. The final change to Sematawy (‘the one who unites the two lands’) occurred around year 39, possibly coinciding with his sed-festival, a significant royal jubilee.
The government of the kingdom during the Middle Kingdom
Mentuhotep II, ruling from Thebes – a city that hadn’t previously been a major player in Upper Egypt – strategically used it as a base to manage regional governors, or nomarchs. His officials, mainly locals, had broad responsibilities. For instance, Vizier Khety led Nubian campaigns, while Chancellor Meru oversaw the Eastern Desert and oases, a role now more critical than in the Old Kingdom. Additionally, Mentuhotep introduced the influential position of ‘governor of Lower Egypt’, complementing the existing ‘governor of Upper Egypt’. These changes strengthened central governance, enhancing the king’s oversight of officials and reducing the nomarchs’ independence, which had peaked during the First Intermediate Period.
Mentuhotep likely downsized the number of nomarchs, particularly those in Asyut who had supported the Herakleopolitan cause. Yet, the nomarchs of Beni Hasan and Hermopolis kept their positions, possibly as a reward for aiding Theban armies. Governors in Nag el-Deir, Akhmim, and Deir el-Gebrawi also remained. However, royal court officials regularly monitored these nomarchs, ensuring their loyalty and effectiveness.
A sign of Egypt’s resurging strength and unity under Mentuhotep’s reign was the expansion of expeditions beyond its borders. Khety, depicted in the Wadi Shatt el-Rigal relief, undertook missions in Sinai and Aswan. Another key figure was Henenu, titled ‘overseer of horn, hoof, feather and scale’, who ventured as far as Lebanon to procure cedar. These expeditions indicate Egypt’s renewed efforts to exert influence internationally.
The building projects ofMentuhotep II
Mentuhotep II’s 51-year reign was marked not only by military endeavors but also by extensive construction projects. While many of these have not survived, they included new temples and chapels primarily in Upper Egypt, at sites like Dendera, Gebelein, Abydos, Tod, Armant, Elkab, Karnak, and Aswan. Interestingly, a Middle Kingdom temple discovered near Qantir in the eastern Delta by a Dutch-Russian team mirrors the architecture of Mentuhotep’s mortuary complex at Deir el-Bahri, though its exact dating is yet to be confirmed.
Royal cemeteries during the Middle Kingdom were in a state of constant evolution, both architecturally and spatially, reflecting a quest for the ideal tomb. This is particularly evident in Mentuhotep’s mortuary monument at Deir el-Bahri, one of his most remarkable constructions, though little remains today. This temple stood out for its unique design, distinct from both the Theban and Herakleopolitan styles and preceding 12th-Dynasty monuments inspired by Old Kingdom designs. Its innovative architecture, including the use of terraces and verandah-like walkways, was a departure from the saff-tomb tradition used by earlier Theban rulers.
Mentuhotep’s complex was a significant symbol of Egypt’s reunification, marking a new era. It was the first royal structure to explicitly incorporate Osirian beliefs, reflecting a religious convergence between royal and commoner funerary practices. Notable features included terraces, ambulatories, and a tree-lined court with sycamores and tamarisks, leading to a main edifice possibly resembling a square mastaba-tomb.
The complex also included the tombs of Mentuhotep’s wives, Queens Neferu and Tem, and several other women, possibly of lesser status, buried within the western walkway. These burials, including the earliest examples of models representing the deceased (forerunners of shabti figures), raise intriguing questions. The young ages of these women, and their simultaneous burial, suggest a possible collective tragedy or a deliberate inclusion in the king’s mortuary monument for religious or political reasons.
Thus, Mentuhotep’s building projects, especially his mortuary complex, were not just architectural feats but also reflected the cultural and religious shifts of his time.
The six chapel tombs found at the Deir el-Bahri monument, designated for Mentuhotep II’s royal wives, belong to the same developmental phase as the Bab el-Hosan tomb beneath the temple forecourt. This latter tomb, believed by expert Dieter Arnold to be an initial, unfinished burial site for the king, contained a notable black-skinned statue in festive attire. This statue’s unique coloration is one of many nods to Osiris, symbolizing Mentuhotep II’s fertility and rejuvenation powers.
While the temple was richly adorned, surviving fragments are too scarce for a complete understanding of its original artistic scheme. Yet, certain themes are clear: the emphasis on the king’s divine and Osirian characteristics, and depictions of court life. The regional style of the artwork is apparent in details like thick lips, large eyes, and slender, elongated figures. However, alongside these are examples of superior carving, particularly in the young wives’ chapels, which align more closely with the Memphis school’s style. This blend of artistic methods mirrors the political landscape of the time, as craftsmen from across Egypt brought their local traditions to the project. Over time, the Memphis style became dominant, gradually eclipsing regional artistic styles across Egypt.
While no direct contributions from Mentuhotep II are identified in the Temple of Amun at Karnak, his temple at Deir el-Bahri, situated in a cliff curve directly opposite Karnak, holds significance. This strategic location may have been chosen to align the king’s funerary cult with the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, an annual event where the god Amun visited Deir el-Bahri. This positioning suggests a growing importance of the Amun cult in Thebes from Mentuhotep II’s reign onwards.
Mentuhotep III and IV
Queen Tem, mother of Sankhkara Mentuhotep III (circa 2004-1992 BC), raised a son who was a notable builder. In 1997, a Hungarian expedition led by Győző Vörös made a significant discovery at Thebes on the west bank’s Thoth Hill. They uncovered a Coptic sanctuary and an early Middle Kingdom tomb, likely belonging to Mentuhotep III, which may have inspired the bab-tombs of the early 18th Dynasty.
Mentuhotep III’s reign was marked by architectural progress. He built a triple sanctuary at Medinet Habu, prefiguring the 18th Dynasty’s temples dedicated to divine triads. At Thoth Hill, the highest point overlooking the Valley of the Kings, his brick temple featured another triple shrine and early examples of temple pylons. Nearby, the remnants of his sed-festival palace can be found.
The art from his reign was exceptionally innovative, with relief sculpture reaching a zenith in the Middle Kingdom. His carvings, exemplified by those from Tod, showcased remarkable depth and detail, surpassing the work of Mentuhotep II. These carvings displayed extraordinary fineness and subtlety, particularly in the portrayal of figures and the intricacies of their attire.
Mentuhotep III was also a pioneer in foreign expeditions, being the first Middle Kingdom ruler to send a mission to Punt in East Africa for incense. Led by an official named Henenu, this expedition traveled via the Wadi Hammamat and necessitated shipbuilding on the Red Sea coast. He further fortified the northeastern border with structures in the eastern Delta.
Mentuhotep III’s death around 1992 BC led to a mysterious seven-year gap, corresponding with the reign of Nebtawyra Mentuhotep IV. Nebtawyra, possibly a usurper as he’s absent from king-lists, was born to a commoner mother, raising doubts about his royal lineage.
Mentuhotep IV’s reign, though less documented, is known for quarrying expeditions. Inscriptions from the Hatnub travertine quarry hint at unrest among Middle Egypt’s nomarchs. A noteworthy event during his reign was a quarrying mission in the Wadi Hammamat, led by Vizier Amenemhat. This expedition recorded two extraordinary occurrences: a gazelle giving birth on a chosen sarcophagus lid and the discovery of a well after a rainstorm, events seen as omens. Amenemhat, who held various powerful positions, eventually ascended the throne, becoming the first king of the 12th Dynasty. This transition might have been due to the king’s weakness or the absence of a suitable male heir, allowing the vizier to claim the throne.
The 12th Dynasty
The notable advancement of the 12th Dynasty over the 11th is often cited as a reason why many scholars believe that the true essence of the Middle Kingdom begins with the 12th Dynasty.
Amenemhat I
Sehetepibra Amenemhat I, known as ‘Ammenemes’ in Manetho’s writings and ruling around 1985-1956 BC, was born to non-royal parents, Senusret and Nefret. Interestingly, the names Amenemhat, Senusret, and Nefret became quite popular among the 12th Dynasty kings and their consorts. If Amenemhat I and the vizier Amenemhat were indeed the same person, the reporting of two miraculous events during his time would suggest divine favor. This would have signaled to his contemporaries that he was specially chosen by the gods.
Around the start of Amenemhat I’s reign, the ‘Prophecy of Neferty’ was likely composed. This text begins with a description of prevailing troubles across the land, then ‘foretells’ the rise of a powerful king:
A sovereign shall rise from the South, named Ameny the Righteous, born of a Ta-Seti woman, offspring of Upper Egypt. He shall claim the ivory diadem, don the crimson circlet; He shall unite the Two Great Powers [the dual crowns]. His blade shall vanquish the Easterners, his fire shall conquer the Libyans, his fury shall overcome the insurgents, his strength shall defeat the disloyal. Like the serpent upon his crown quelling the dissenters for him. One shall erect the Monarch’s Barrier, to prevent the Easterners from encroaching upon Egypt’s lands…
The early 12th Dynasty is marked by a significant leap in sophistication compared to the 11th, a fact that leads many scholars to consider the true start of the Middle Kingdom with the 12th Dynasty.
Amenemhat I, known as Sehetepibra and ‘Ammenemes‘ in Manetho’s records, reigned around 1985-1956 BC. He was born to non-royal parents, Senusret and Nefret. Intriguingly, the names Amenemhat, Senusret, and Nefret became prevalent among the 12th Dynasty’s royalty. If the vizier Amenemhat and Amenemhat I were indeed the same person, then the reporting of two miraculous events during his time suggests divine favor.
The ‘Prophecy of Neferty‘, likely composed at the beginning of Amenemhat I’s reign, starts by highlighting the chaos in the land before prophesying the rise of a strong king. This text, along with others, emphasizes Amenemhat’s supernatural status and the divine intervention marking his rule.
Amenemhat I made a significant decision to move Egypt’s capital from Thebes to Amenemhat-itj-tawy (or Itjtawy) in the Faiyum region, near the Lisht necropolis. The timing of this move is debated among scholars, with some suggesting it happened early in his reign, while others propose a later date, possibly around his twentieth year. The limited number of Theban monuments from his reign and the absence of official burials after Meketra, a high official, hint at an earlier relocation. However, inscriptions at his Lisht mortuary temple suggest a later date, post his royal jubilee and the start of his successor Senusret I’s reign.
Itjtawy’s selection as the capital might have been strategic, being closer to Asiatic incursion points than Thebes. Politically, it signaled a fresh start, with officials at Itjtawy entirely reliant on the king. Amenemhat’s new Horus name, Wehemmesu (‘the renaissance’), reflected this new beginning, harking back to Old Kingdom traditions while promoting ruler worship. This period saw a move towards more centralized government, increased bureaucracy, and a surge in royal wealth, evident in the jewelry found in 12th Dynasty royal tombs. Consequently, middle-class Egyptians experienced improved living standards.
Amenemhat I first used his armies against Asiatics in the Delta, later constructing the Walls-of-the-Ruler to strengthen the region. These fortifications, though not yet archaeologically found, are dramatically mentioned in the ‘Story of Sinuhe’ and the ‘Prophecy of Neferty’. He also built other fortresses, like Rawaty in Mendes and outposts in Nubia, to protect gold mines.
Initially, his military campaigns didn’t extend far south, but by year 29, he shifted to a strategy of conquest and colonization in Nubia, mainly for resource acquisition. A Korosko inscription confirms a victory in Lower Nubia in his 29th year. Additionally, a single military campaign against the Libyans is recorded in year 30, led by his son Senusret. Amenemhat I’s reign ended shortly after this Libyan campaign.
Senusret I
Fragment 34 of Manetho’s historical account suggests that Amenemhat I’s reign concluded amid a conspiracy. The ‘Teaching of Amenemhat I’ also implies a conflict regarding the succession. It was during Senusret’s military campaign in Libya when he received news of his father’s demise. The circumstances of Amenemhat’s death lean towards assassination, as indicated by a text from Senusret I’s era. This text uniquely presents a narrative as if spoken by Amenemhat I from beyond the grave:
After dinner, as darkness enveloped the surroundings, I had just experienced an hour of bliss. Exhausted, I lay asleep on my bed, succumbing to slumber. During this time, my strategic defenses were lowered, and I found myself vulnerable like a serpent in a tomb. Suddenly, I was jolted awake by a commotion, only to discover it was an assault by the bodyguard. Had I seized arms swiftly, I could have driven the villains back with a bold counterattack! Yet, in the night, no one stands mighty or can battle solo; victory is elusive without allies. Behold, this mishap befell me in your absence, before the news reached you of my intention to entrust matters to you, before we had time to sit together for planning; for this was unforeseen, unplanned, and my mind had not anticipated such neglect from the servants.
This manuscript, believed to be an early 12th-Dynasty work, likely served to bolster Senusret I’s claim to the throne following Amenemhat I’s suspicious death. It could have justified any actions Senusret took upon assuming power.
Kheperkara Senusret I, reigning circa 1956-1911 BC, is documented to have ruled for forty-five years, a duration supported by a text from Amada in Nubia citing his 44th year. Traditionally, it was thought that Senusret I’s reign included thirty-five years solo and ten years as co-regent with his father. However, Claude Obsomer’s 1995 challenge to this view suggests a different narrative, one where ‘The Teaching of Amenemhat I’ makes more sense, indicating a direct succession rather than a co-regency.
Senusret I’s foreign policy marked a departure from his predecessor’s. His first Nubian expedition in his tenth year was followed by another eight years later, extending Egypt’s influence. Under his general, Mentuhotep, Egypt’s southern border was established at Buhen in Lower Nubia, now a province of Egypt. The exploitation of Kush (Upper Nubia) for gold and other resources like amethyst, turquoise, copper, and gneiss grew, paralleled by active trade with Syria.
Senusret’s construction projects stretched from Nubia to Heliopolis and Tanis. The materials for these monuments came from extensive quarrying operations, producing an impressive array of statues and sphinxes. While many of his original works were altered or replaced by later kings, his impact on art and architecture was profound. His reign saw the development of a distinctive royal style, which gradually overshadowed regional styles across Egypt.
He initiated a practice of establishing monuments at major cult sites, a policy extending from the later Old Kingdom rulers, which weakened local temple authorities. Among his significant religious contributions, Senusret I revamped the temple of Khenti-amentiu-Osiris at Abydos. This royal initiative led to a widespread practice among wealthy individuals to erect stelae and shrines at Abydos, a trend that persisted into the Middle and New Kingdoms. His emphasis on the Osiris cult led to what John Wilson termed the ‘democratization of the afterlife’, harmonizing royal and commoner beliefs about the afterlife.
The ‘Hekanakhte papers’
A remarkable set of Middle Kingdom letters, penned by a farmer named Hekanakhte, offers a vivid glimpse into agricultural life of that era. Initially believed to be from the time of Mentuhotep III, recent findings linked to early 12th Dynasty pottery suggest they were written during the early reign of Senusret I.
Hekanakhte’s personality shines through these letters. He comes across as a man of firm directives, instructing his sons to comply with his wishes, to make do with limited food supplies, and to treat his new wife kindly. These letters not only reveal the familial dynamics of the 12th Dynasty but also shed light on the strategies employed by wealthier farmers in managing their land and crops. They hint at a period of famine in Hekanakhte’s later years, a situation also suggested by inscriptions in the contemporaneous tomb of the nomarch Amenemhat at Beni Hasan.
Among the Hekanakhte papers is a rare gem: a letter from a woman to her mother. This discovery prompts intriguing questions about the literacy of ancient Egyptian women. Although it’s possible the woman dictated her letter to a male scribe, as was common among illiterate men, references to two female scribes from the Middle Kingdom suggest that some women may indeed have been literate during this time.
Royal annals and the reign of Amenemhat II
The 12th Dynasty’s historical narrative is enriched by a collection of official records, or ‘day-books’ (genut), partly preserved in the temple at Tod. These records, along with the king’s building dedications, offer a window into the daily operations of the Egyptian palace. For instance, papyrus Berlin 3029 details the foundation of a new building by the king.
In 1974, a significant genut inscription from the reign of Nubkaura Amenemhat II (circa 1911-1877 BC), though mentioning Senusret I, was discovered at Mit Rahina (ancient Memphis). This inscription is a treasure trove of information, detailing temple donations, lists of statues and buildings, military and trading expeditions, and royal pursuits like hunting. It stands as Amenemhat II’s most crucial text, revealing selective ‘peace’ between Egypt and various Levantine cities, contradicting the previously perceived general tranquility.
This time in Egyptian history saw active engagement with Asiatic regions. The tomb of nomarch Khnumhotep at Beni Hasan (BH 3) features a mural of a visit by Bedouin leader Abisha, and Egyptian artifacts found at Near Eastern sites corroborate these connections. The steady trade with Byblos, where local rulers adopted Egyptian customs and titles, further illustrates this link. The Mit Rahina annals also mention Tunip in north Syria as a trading partner. However, not all Asiatic interactions were peaceful, as evidenced by military campaigns against Asiatics (Aamu) and the capture of a large number of prisoners, likely explaining the prevalence of Asiatic slaves in Thebes later on. Additionally, Amenemhat II’s reign included southern campaigns, with expeditions to Kush and Punt.
Amenemhat II’s architectural contributions are less pronounced compared to other 12th Dynasty rulers, possibly due to later plundering. His pyramid at Dahshur, known as the ‘white Pyramid’, was distinct for being built on a platform. Burials within the complex included his daughters and a queen named Keminebu, initially thought to be his wife but now recognized as belonging to the 13th Dynasty.
Senusret II and the inauguration of the Faiyum irrigation system
The reign of Khakheperra Senusret II (1877-1870 BC) is remembered as a period of peace and flourishing trade with the Near East. Remarkably, there are no records of military campaigns during his time. His most notable achievement was likely the innovative Faiyum irrigation project. By constructing a dyke and digging canals to connect with the Bahr Yusef waterway, this project diverted some of the water from Lake Moeris. This led to new land being reclaimed and farmed, a visionary endeavor comparable to contemporary land reclamation in central Greece’s Copaic Basin.
While Senusret II’s exact contributions to these irrigation works remain unclear, his involvement with the Faiyum’s development is suggested by religious monuments he erected in the region. The statue shrine of Qasr el-Sagha, dated to his reign, is one such example. However, many structures from this era were left undecorated and unfinished, hinting at his possibly brief reign. The placement of royal pyramid complexes in the Faiyum during this period underscores the area’s significance, likely linked to the irrigation project.
Senusret II’s known statues, some later usurped by Rameses II, display a robust and muscular style reminiscent of Senusret I, yet exhibit more vigorous and individualistic facial features. This shift towards more realistic portraiture marks the beginnings of a major phase in Egyptian art.
The statues of Queen(?) Nefret, housed in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, stand out for their larger-than-life depiction of a royal woman whose exact role remains uncertain. While Nefret wasn’t titled ‘royal wife’, she held other queenly titles, leading to speculation about her relationship with Senusret II.
Senusret II’s pyramid complex at Lahun was a significant architectural feat, featuring a unique internal layout possibly linked to Osirian and afterlife beliefs. The complex also included symbolic structures for the king’s family, though they were not used for actual burials. Notably, Princess Sathathoriunet’s tomb within the complex yielded exquisite jewelry, showcasing some of the finest Egyptian craftsmanship.
In sum, Senusret II’s reign is marked not by military might but by architectural innovation, artistic evolution, and a peaceful prosperity that fostered significant advancements in agriculture and trade.
Nubian conquest under Senusret III
The reign of Khakaura Senusret III (circa 1870-1831 BC) is recorded in the Turin Canon as lasting over thirty years, though the highest regnal year found in dated sources is 19. Recent findings from the 1990s suggest the longer duration might be accurate, despite there being no solid evidence of a co-regency with Senusret II. This extended reign has been a topic of some debate among historians.
Senusret III is perhaps one of the most renowned pharaohs of the Middle Kingdom, his deeds contributing significantly to the legendary figure of ‘Sesostris’ as described by Manetho and Herodotus. His military campaigns in Nubia, conducted in years 6, 8, 10, and 16, were particularly fierce: Nubian men were killed, their lands ravaged, and their families enslaved. Despite these brutal conquests, trade and mining resumed shortly after, albeit under changed circumstances. The erection of stelae at Semna and Uronarti fortresses, setting the southern border, served as stark reminders of Senusret’s dominance.
The Semna dispatches, military correspondences from the 13th Dynasty, highlight the rigorous control the Egyptians maintained over Nubia. These forts varied in function, some focusing on trade and others as military outposts. Senusret’s last campaign in Nubia, in year 19, was hampered by low river levels and was ultimately less successful.
Senusret III also launched a campaign into Palestine, reminiscent of Amenemhat II’s earlier efforts against Asiatics. The presence of large numbers of Asiatics in Egypt at this time, whether as prisoners or immigrants, is noted, and the biblical story of Joseph hints at another means of their arrival. The execration texts from his reign, listing enemies of Egypt, reflect a prevailing intolerance towards these ‘easterners’.
Politically, Senusret III is often credited with weakening the nomarch system, though direct evidence for this is scarce. His efforts towards centralizing government led to significant social and political changes, especially affecting the middle class, making his reign a pivotal moment in Middle Kingdom history.
Senusret III’s tomb at Dahshur, a large mud-brick pyramid cased in limestone, echoed the design of earlier monuments. His family’s mastaba-tombs were constructed within the enclosure, with underground galleries housing the actual burials. Dieter Arnold noted similarities between this complex and Djoser’s at Saqqara. Interestingly, the king’s burial chamber in Dahshur seems unused, and a second funerary complex at Abydos, lasting over two centuries, might have been his actual resting place, though no remains were found there either.
Amenemhat III: the cultural climax of the Middle Kingdom
Khakaura Senusret III’s only known son, Nimaatra Amenemhat III (circa 1831-1786 BC), ascended the throne in a time often considered the cultural zenith of the Middle Kingdom. His reign was characterized by consolidation and continuation of previous achievements. He reinforced the Semna border and expanded fortresses. His architectural endeavors included various shrines and temples, notably the colossal quartzite seated statues at Biahmu in the Faiyum, later described by Herodotus, and a large temple to Sobek at Kiman Faras (Crocodilopolis).
Amenemhat III’s statues are distinguished by their originality and craftsmanship. A notable example is a delicate portrait in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. His innovative “Hyksos sphinxes” and black granite statues of him as the Nile god, found at Tanis, were later emulated by New Kingdom rulers like Amenhotep III.
Amenemhat III was also industrious in mining, with significant operations in the Sinai for turquoise and copper, evidenced by numerous graffiti. His reign’s building and industrial activities reflect a prosperous Egypt, although this may have contributed to economic exhaustion and, combined with low Nile floods late in his reign, to political decline. The influx of Asiatics during this period, possibly to support building projects, may have indirectly facilitated the rise of the Hyksos in the Delta.
Amenemhat III meticulously recorded Nile flood levels, revealing high floods in his 30th year but a sharp decrease by year 40, impacting the economy. His interest in flood levels was likely linked to the Faiyum irrigation scheme, either to utilize the flood waters or to prevent flood damage.
His first pyramid at Dahshur, similar to Sneferu’s Bent Pyramid, developed structural issues during construction. Here, the remains of Queen Aat and another royal woman were found, each with separate entrances, a privilege previously reserved for kings.
Amenemhat III’s final resting place was in Hawara in the Faiyum. His mortuary temple, described as a Labyrinth by classical writers for its complex layout, has eluded reconstruction due to its ruinous state. This temple, along with the special burial arrangements for Princess Neferuptah and the queens at Dahshur, underscores the elevated status of royal women in the late 12th Dynasty.
The 13th Dynasty
The 13th Dynasty, while continuing to use Itjtawy as their capital, marked a shift from the 12th Dynasty, as it comprised different lineages. The method of selecting kings during this period remains unclear, but Stephen Quirke proposed a ‘circulating succession’ among leading families to explain the short reigns of many rulers. Despite these changes in leadership, the administration functioned as it had in the 12th Dynasty, maintaining control over the area around the second Nile cataract, measuring Nile floods, engaging in trade, and constructing royal monuments, though less grand than their predecessors. The visual arts from this period maintained the finesse and style of the 12th Dynasty, continuing until the reign of Neferhotep I.
While the Turin Canon records many 13th Dynasty rulers, little is known about them individually. The dynasty began with Wegaf Khutawyre, followed by Khutawy-Sekhemre Sobekhotep II, and Sankhtawy-Sekhemre Iykhernefert-Neferhotep. A gap in Nile flood records and fewer records from the Sinai turquoise mines during this era hint at potential political unrest. However, trade persisted, and the ruler of Byblos remained a ‘servant of Egypt’. Nubian affairs, as evidenced by sealings from forts, continued as before.
King Awibra Hor, from this period, was buried in a modest shaft tomb in Amenemhat III’s mortuary complex at Dahshur. This modest tomb contrasts sharply with the cultural continuity of the era, highlighting the diminished circumstances of rulers at the time.
After this unstable phase, a series of more enduring kings emerged. Among them was Sekhemre-Khutawy Sobekhotep II. Papyrus Bulaq 18, dated to his reign, reveals intricate details about Theban court life. A few reigns later, Sekhemre-Sewadjtawy Sobekhotep III (around 1744 BC) seemed to promise a resurgence in royal fortunes, leaving inscriptions across Egypt, although his reign was short.
Sobekhotep III’s successor, Khasekhemre Neferhotep I (circa 1740-1729 BC), of non-royal origin, left many monumental records, indicating a vigorous reign. He was recognized by Inten of Byblos and left inscriptions as far south as Konosso in Nubia. However, evidence suggests he did not control all of Egypt, with local rulers in the Delta acting independently.
The throne then passed to Neferhotep I’s brothers, Sahathor and Sobekhotep IV, and later to Sobekhotep IV’s son. This mini-dynasty ended with Sobekhotep V around 1723 BC. Sobekhotep IV, in particular, displayed traits of a strong king, maintaining some control over Nubia, where his statues were found south of the third cataract.
However, it was during Sobekhotep IV’s reign that initial signs of Nubian revolt appeared, leading to Nubia eventually being governed by native kings from Kerma. By this time, the Middle Kingdom of Egypt had fragmented into regions that laid the groundwork for the Second Intermediate Period.
Processes of Political Change in the Middle Kingdom
In the Middle Kingdom, the government structure was an evolution of the Old Kingdom’s system, incorporating both familiar elements and notable changes. The state, including the bureaucracy and the monarchy, was primarily funded through taxation, with revenue derived from assessments on land and waterway yields, typically paid in kind. Temples and other religious institutions often enjoyed partial or full tax exemptions.
A key aspect of the Middle Kingdom’s governance was the corvée system. This labor draft enlisted middle and lower-class men and women for specific tasks, including military service, organized through local officials but centrally controlled. Evading this mandatory service led to severe penalties, not only for the evaders but also for their families and those aiding their escape. Records from the Askut fortress in Lower Nubia suggest it was a destination for those avoiding corvée, similar to defaulters being sent to quarries.
This practice persisted into the 17th Dynasty, with Nubians notably exempt from both taxation and corvée. The government maintained domestic peace, monitored borders, and conducted military campaigns in Palestine and Nubia, enhancing Egypt’s influence and wealth. Trade was a royal monopoly, overseen by state officials, and was particularly lucrative in Nubia.
Middle Kingdom officials retained many Old Kingdom titles, but also saw the introduction of new positions. A trend was the specialization of official duties, contributing to bureaucratic growth but limiting the scope of each office. The role of ‘royal sealbearer’ was an exception, with broad supervisory responsibilities, especially under Mentuhotep II. The vizier remained the king’s chief minister, though less prominent in records post-11th Dynasty. The existence of dual viziers during this period is unclear, though under Senusret I, Antefoker and Mentuhotep appeared to serve concurrently.
Later Middle Kingdom sources imply political shifts from the Old Kingdom, with central government more involved in regional areas and increased control over individuals. This greater intrusion into private lives might partly stem from delegating local control to town mayors, aligning provincial styles and practices with the capital, as evidenced in artwork.
The role of nomarch saw the greatest change. Initially enjoying independence in the Old Kingdom due to their distance from Memphis, their autonomy grew after the collapse of the Memphite government. One of the Middle Kingdom rulers’ primary objectives was to curb this independence, employing various strategies across different reigns to achieve this goal.
During Mentuhotep II’s reign, nomarchs, the regional governors, were largely retained, though those disloyal to Theban interests likely lost their positions. These nomarchs continued in their traditional roles but under closer supervision from the king’s officials. Some, like Count Nehry of the Hermopolite nome, asserted considerable autonomy, challenging the king’s authority in their inscriptions.
Amenemhat I shifted the focus of administration to individual towns, controlled by mayors. Only key town officials inherited the nomarch title, leading to a decline in the political influence of larger nomes (regions). Nomarchs during the early 12th Dynasty were appointed directly by the king, often holding titles like ‘great overlord, mayor, and overseer of priests’. However, by Amenemhat II’s time, the position became hereditary again.
Nomarchs, despite their reduced autonomy, still adopted grand titles for their staff, mirroring those at the royal court. Yet, they remained obliged to the king, responsible for protecting Egypt’s borders, leading military expeditions, and hosting foreign dignitaries.
By Senusret III’s reign, the title ‘great overlord’ for nomarchs had faded. Research by Detlef Franke suggests that this decline began earlier, possibly under Amenemhat II, as the king educated nomarchs’ sons in the capital, dispersing them to various appointments. This practice gradually reduced the power and wealth of the nomarchs, transitioning authority to town mayors and leading to the end of richly decorated provincial tombs.
Senusret III, however, marked a significant change by appointing officials from the royal court as governors over large regions of Egypt. Two bureaus were established for northern and southern Egypt, alongside departments like the ‘treasury’ and the ‘organization of labor’. This restructuring led to new titles and an expanded middle-class bureaucracy, evidenced by an increase in funerary stelae and greater middle-class affluence.
Temples operated outside the government’s direct control, as illustrated by the contracts of Mayor Djefahapy of Asyut. These contracts, aimed at ensuring the continuation of his mortuary cult, highlight the bureaucratic nature of temple management. Temples were self-supporting and subject to taxation unless exempted by royal decree. Amenemhat I’s policy of building provincial temples reduced local temples’ power, integrating them more closely with the state.
The Royal Court
Middle Kingdom texts, unlike those from the Old Kingdom, provide a clearer picture of the pharaoh’s role and the nature of kingship. Important sources include ‘The Teachings for Merykara’, ‘The Teaching of Amenemhat I’, and the ‘Hymns to Senusret III’. Additionally, private records, such as the poem on the stele of Sehetepibra from Abydos, highlight the king’s significance to his people.
The ‘Tale of Sinuhe’, particularly its final episodes, offers insights into 12th Dynasty court life, depicting the return of an exiled Egyptian courtier. However, it’s the 13th Dynasty’s Papyrus Bulaq 18 that sheds the most light on the social hierarchy within the royal family and the daily operations of the palace. This document details the distribution of daily rations, reflecting the status of palace dependents, and outlines the mobility of various individuals within the palace.
Papyrus Bulaq 18 reveals that the palace complex was divided into three main areas: the ‘kap’ or nursery, the exclusive domain of the royal family, their servants, and select children; the ‘wahy’ or audience area, used for banquets; and the ‘khenty’, the outer palace where court business was conducted. Around these core areas was the ‘shena’, where provisions for palace dependents were distributed. The vizier and top officials operated in the ‘khenty’, while service staff were confined to the ‘shena’. The overseer of the ‘kap’ was uniquely positioned to move between the inner and outer palace areas.
Without the detailed account provided by Papyrus Bulaq 18, our understanding of Middle Kingdom palace organization would be much more limited, with only the architectural plans of a 12th Dynasty palace at Tell Basta and an early 13th Dynasty palace at Tell el-Dab’a to guide us.
Urban Life: The Pyramid Town at Lahun
The ancient town of Hetep-Senusret, adjacent to the pyramid complex of Senusret II at Lahun, offers a unique window into the lives of ordinary people in ancient Egypt. Misnamed ‘Kahun’ by archaeologist Flinders Petrie during his 1888-9 excavations, it was primarily established for workers and their families involved in Senusret II’s funerary cult. However, the town likely housed many unrelated to the cult, with grain silo capacities suggesting it could have supported up to 5,000 inhabitants. Today, the site is mostly indistinguishable from the desert, with only foundations and lower building courses remaining, as the mud brick has largely been removed.
Lahun’s significance lies in its representation of Egyptian everyday life, contrasting with the typically funerary-focused excavations in ancient Egypt. Although later inhabitants disposed of much original material in rubbish pits, causing significant loss of context, some houses remained relatively intact, offering insights into the lives of people often absent from textual and funerary records. Percy Newberry’s collection of seed types during the Petrie expedition even allowed for a reconstruction of the area’s vegetation, including flowers like poppies, lupins, mignonette, and vegetables such as peas and cucumbers.
The finds from Lahun include a rare ‘firestick’ for lighting fires, an early mud-brick mould similar to those used in contemporary Egypt, a doctor’s instruments, and various tools used by farmers and craftsmen. The site also yielded a diverse array of pottery and numerous papyri, some still unpublished, illuminating various aspects of religion and daily life. Among these texts, the ‘Gynaecological Papyrus’ stands out as the oldest known collection of remedies for women’s health issues.
Evidences of Foreign Trade in the Middle Kingdom of Egypt
Middle Kingdom Egypt’s commercial ties with the Aegean are evidenced by the discovery of Minoan pottery sherds in the 12th Dynasty phase of the Lahun settlement. These artifacts include a pyxis lid and fragments of Egyptian pottery that imitated Minoan styles. Found in refuse deposits, their exact dates and original contexts are uncertain. Interestingly, these Minoan-style vessels seem to have been everyday items used by workers, possibly even hinting at the presence of Cretan workers in Lahun. Additionally, Minoan ‘Kamares vessels’ sherds were found at various sites like Lahun, el-Haraga, and Abydos, and even in a 12th Dynasty grave as far south as Elephantine. This suggests a wider Mediterranean network of artistic and cultural exchange during this period, with Egyptian motifs appearing on objects in distant regions like Crete.
The presence of Tell el-Yahudiya ware at Lahun and Lisht, often associated with Near Eastern oil, indicates the importation of materials from that region. Egyptian rulers promoted imports of timber, oil, wine, silver, and possibly ivory from Syria-Palestine, and both Cypriot and Minoan pottery have been found in Egypt. Conversely, Egyptian items like scarabs, statues, and jewelry have been discovered as far as Byblos, Ras Shamra, and Crete, suggesting extensive trade networks.
Interestingly, Asiatic weights outnumber Egyptian ones at Lahun, pointing towards increased Near Eastern influence. A notable discovery is a collection of possibly Asiatic or Minoan gold and silver artifacts found in bronze caskets under the temple of Montu at Tod. Conversely, a hoard of Egyptian items was unearthed in Byblos, Syria, including jewelry resembling those found in Lahun’s necropolis. Local rulers of Byblos acknowledged Egyptian rulers as overlords, adopting Egyptian styles, insignia, and even hieroglyphic inscriptions.
Middle Kingdom Egypt also maintained strong southern connections, particularly with Punt, likely located near modern Eritrea. The 12th Dynasty port of Sa’waw, found near the Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea coast, along with inscribed stelae, provides evidence of journeys to Punt during this era. These varied contacts underscore the Middle Kingdom’s extensive trade and cultural exchanges with regions both to the north and south.
Religion and Funerary Practices
During the Middle Kingdom, the most significant religious evolution was the expansion of the Osiris cult. Osiris, by then, was revered as the primary deity of necropolises. This growth was largely driven by the Middle Kingdom rulers, particularly in the 12th Dynasty at Abydos, reaching its apex under Senusret III, who erected a ‘cenotaph’ at Abydos, the first royal monument of the Middle Kingdom in that location. A decree from Wegaf’s reign, later claimed by Neferhotep I, prohibited tomb construction on Abydos’s processional way. Sobekhotep III and Neferhotep I also actively engaged with Abydos, indicating the site’s importance in legitimizing royal authority. This was especially crucial for 13th Dynasty rulers, who mostly came from non-royal backgrounds, in contrast to their 12th Dynasty predecessors. The promotion of Abydos and the mysteries of Osiris, as evidenced by a 12th Dynasty stele detailing rites organized by Ikhemofret, played a key role in Osiris’s growing prominence.
This period also saw the ‘democratization of the afterlife’, with royal funerary privileges extending to commoners. Numerous stelae at Abydos illustrate private individuals participating in Osirian rites, previously exclusive to royalty. This shift led to a transformation in funerary beliefs and practices across the population. The use of Coffin Texts, a blend of Pyramid Texts and new compositions, became prevalent in non-royal burials but declined with the introduction of mummiform coffins, which were less conducive to lengthy inscriptions.
Another religious concept emerging during this era was the belief that all individuals possessed a ‘ba’, or spiritual essence. The ‘Dialogue between a Man Tired of Life and his Ba’ exemplifies this idea, engaging in a profound debate on suicide. Additionally, the Middle Kingdom saw a rise in ‘personal piety’, emphasizing direct personal engagement with deities, a trend that would gain momentum in the New Kingdom. Stelae from this time highlight the piety of their subjects and introduce the ‘negative confession’, where the deceased proclaimed innocence of certain transgressions. Stelae became popular memorials, often adorned with wedjat-eyes for protection, and other royal symbols like the shen-ring and the winged sun-disc began appearing on these stelae, reflecting their growing significance in personal devotion.
The royal mortuary complexes of the 11th and 12th Dynasties saw significant architectural innovations, reflecting evolving religious beliefs. Engineers and architects of this era achieved remarkable feats, surpassing their Old Kingdom predecessors in skill. These talents were employed not only in royal complexes but also in the construction of grander, more sophisticated temples. Notable examples include the terraced ambulatories of Mentuhotep II at Deir el-Bahri, the pylons and triple shrine of Mentuhotep III at Thebes, and the intricate galleries in Senusret II’s pyramid at Lahun. Relief carvings, once exclusive to Old Kingdom mortuary complexes, began adorning Middle Kingdom temples dedicated to gods and kings, with the vast temple complex at Karnak and significant temples in the Faiyum being prime examples.
Regional tombs of the nomarchs from the 11th Dynasty onward also reflected this era of experimentation. These tombs, often grand and lavishly decorated, showcased the nomarchs’ interests in activities like hunting and their curiosity about the Asiatic world. Elevated above subordinate burials, these rock-cut tombs typically featured pillared facades. The nomarchs’ coffins, particularly those from Deir el-Bersha, are renowned for their exquisite artwork and early renditions of the Book of Two Ways, a guide to the afterlife. As the role of the nomarch waned, provincial necropolises saw an increase in smaller tombs with less distinction in burial positioning. In contrast, officials in the capital favored mastaba-tombs and sought memorials at Abydos.
Mummification became more common in the Middle Kingdom but was often poorly executed, with the exterior wrappings being more elaborate than the preservation of the body itself. Mummies were adorned with painted cartonnage masks and positioned on their sides in rectangular coffins, aligned with compass points and tomb texts.
A significant addition to funerary customs was the introduction of the shabti, small figurines intended as magical substitutes for labor in the afterlife. Earliest examples, dating from Mentuhotep II’s time, were simple naked figures, evolving to mummiform shapes with Coffin Text spell 472 inscribed on them by the late 12th Dynasty. The shabti, often equipped with hoes and seed bags, might have symbolized the corvée labor system or the maintenance work on local waterways. As time progressed, these figurines became a standard feature in tombs, embodying the idea of continued service and duty in the afterlife.
The Cultural Achievements of the Middle Kingdom
The Middle Kingdom of Egypt stands out as an era where art, architecture, and religion flourished remarkably, paralleled by a surge in literary creativity. This cultural renaissance was partly fueled by the growing middle class and an expanding bureaucracy, particularly under Senusret III. Various literary genres thrived, with the Egyptians themselves considering this period the ‘classical’ era of their literature.
Iconic narratives like ‘The Story of Sinuhe’, ‘The Shipwrecked Sailor’, and the imaginative tales in the ‘Papyrus Westcar’ were all penned during this time. Religious and philosophical texts, such as the ‘Hymn to Hapy’, the ‘Satire of the Trades’, and the ‘Dialogue between a Man Tired of Life and his Ba’, also gained popularity. The abundance of official documents like reports, letters, and accounts from this era not only enhances our understanding of the period but also suggests a wider spread of literacy compared to the Old Kingdom.
Middle Kingdom Egypt expanded its horizons, engaging with Nubia, Asia, and the Aegean, and reaping benefits from the exchange of materials, products, and ideas. It was a period marked by grand projects and innovative visions, yet it also paid meticulous attention to the finer details in everyday objects and decorations.
This era brought a more pronounced emphasis on the individual’s role in society – from their responsibilities in state functions like taxation and corvée labor to their personal preparations for burial. There was a noticeable shift in literature too, with stories featuring characters like Sinuhe and the ‘shipwrecked sailor’ – individuals who would have been out of place in Old Kingdom narratives. These characters reflect the Middle Kingdom’s broader human perspective, showcasing a time when individual experiences and stories became integral to the cultural fabric.
