The Zhou Dynasty (ancient China)

Periods and Chronology

The three dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou are collectively known as the Three Dynasties. The Zhou Dynasty enjoyed the longest reign, spanning approximately 900 years, from 1121 to 221 BCE.

Chinese historians divide the Zhou Dynasty into two periods. The first, known as the Western Zhou (1121-770 BCE), was centered around Feng and Hao (in present-day Shaanxi Province). During the reign of King Ping of Zhou, threatened by the nomadic Xianyun and Quanrong tribes from the west, the capital was moved eastward to Luoyang (in present-day Henan Province), marking the beginning of the second period, the Eastern Zhou.

The Eastern Zhou is further divided into two periods: the Spring and Autumn period (722-479 BCE) and the Warring States period (478-221 BCE). This division is based on Confucius’s chronicle, the Spring and Autumn Annals. This work records the history of the State of Lu from the first year of the reign of Duke Yin of Lu (721 BCE) to the fourteenth year of the reign of Duke Ai of Lu (481 BCE), encompassing 242 years. The year 479 BCE marks the death of Confucius. The term “Spring and Autumn” initially referred to a single year (spring and autumn being representative of the whole year), then later to annals recording events year by year (hence, besides Confucius’s Spring and Autumn Annals, other chronicles like those of Zuo Qiuming, Gongyang Gao, and Guliang Chi are also called Spring and Autumn).

Many scholars, noting that neither 721 nor 481 (or 479) BCE mark significant turning points in history, propose an alternative division:

• Spring and Autumn period: 770-403 BCE, from the reign of King Ping of Zhou to the end of the reign of King Weilie of Zhou.
• Warring States period: 402-221 BCE, from the reign of King An of Zhou to the Qin state’s conquest of Qi and the unification of China.

This division is more logical, filling the gap between 770 and 721 BCE. However, it remains somewhat arbitrary, as the Eastern Zhou period witnessed a continuous, uninterrupted transition from a feudal system to an absolute monarchy, and 403 BCE doesn’t mark any event of sufficient importance to justify the start of a new era.

Below is Gernet’s chronological table (from the cited work), spanning from prehistory to the end of the Qin Dynasty and the beginning of the Han Dynasty, when China was unified. The table is highly approximate.

As mentioned earlier, Eberhard suggests revising the dates for the Xia Dynasty to 1800-1500 BCE and the Shang Dynasty to 1450-1050 BCE; consequently, the Zhou Dynasty should begin around 1050 BCE.

Another point: Gernet places the end of the Shang Dynasty in 1112 BCE and the beginning of the Zhou in 1111 BCE, while Ci Hai uses 1122 and 1121 BCE, respectively. Gernet may consider the Zhou Dynasty to begin not with King Wu of Zhou’s defeat of King Zhou of Shang (1122 BCE) but with King Wu’s capture of the Shang capital and the relocation of the Shang people to Luoyi in 1111 BCE. This detail is minor and insignificant.

The Western Zhou – The Feudal System

A. Zhou Civilization: The Three Sages

The Zhou were originally a Shang vassal state located to the west (Shaanxi Province), hence referred to by the Shang as the “Western Yi.” The term “Yi” carried a connotation of “barbarian,” implying a lower level of civilization compared to the Shang. Modern scholars like Eberhard and Gernet suggest they were a Turkic tribe coexisting with some Tibetans. Gradually, they came under Shang influence, shedding their Turkic characteristics and becoming increasingly assimilated.

During the reign of King Zhou of Shang, the Zhou were led by a ruler described by Chinese historians as “wise and virtuous,” named King Wen of Zhou (then known as Ji Chang). For reasons unknown, King Zhou imprisoned Ji Chang in Youli. Legend holds that during his imprisonment, he studied the 64 hexagrams of the I Ching and wrote the “Tuanci” to explain their meaning. King Zhou later released him, appointed him “Western Protector” (the highest-ranking vassal in the west), and tasked him with suppressing rebellions. Ji Chang succeeded (thanks to the assistance of Lü Wang), then moved to Feng (in Shaanxi). By then, King Zhou had lost the support of many vassals who defected to Ji Chang. However, according to legend, he remained loyal to King Zhou, not exploiting the opportunity to overthrow him.

Upon Ji Chang’s death, his son, Ji Fa, succeeded him. He assembled his vassals to attack King Zhou. Bo Yi and Shu Qi, sons of the ruler of the Guzhu state, advised against this, but Ji Fa ignored them. Consequently, Bo Yi and Shu Qi refused to acknowledge the Zhou Dynasty and went into seclusion in Mount Shouyang. Leading 800 (!) vassals – each likely representing little more than a tribe at the time – Ji Fa defeated King Zhou, seized the Yin (Shang) territory, proclaimed himself King Wu of Zhou, and posthumously honored his father as King Wen.

Thus, a less civilized and more warlike tribe from the west (the Zhou) overthrew a more civilized but weaker one from the east (the Shang). This pattern recurs throughout Chinese history. The agriculturally based, peace-loving Chinese were repeatedly pushed eastward by nomadic peoples from the west. This happened during the Shang Dynasty and again during the Zhou. At the end of the Warring States period, the Qin state in the west, less developed than the eastern states of Chu, Yan, and Qi, conquered them all and unified China. During the Han and Tang dynasties, China was also frequently threatened by tribes from the west and northwest, and at the end of the Song Dynasty, the Han Chinese empire was completely conquered by the Mongols from the northwest. This is a distinctive feature of Chinese history.

King Wu’s reign was short (7 years). Before he could fully restore order, he died, and his young son, King Cheng of Zhou, ascended the throne. King Wu’s brother, Dan, known as the Duke of Zhou, served as regent, managing state affairs. He quelled rebellions (including those by King Wu’s brothers who sought to usurp the throne and those loyal to King Zhou’s son), and relocated some of the former capital’s inhabitants to Luoyi, fearing their continued loyalty to the Shang.

But the Duke of Zhou’s greatest achievement was the establishment of new systems: the feudal system, the ritual and legal system, and religious reforms that moved away from the worship of fertility deities. These contributions led to the flourishing of Zhou civilization, marking it as a distinctly Chinese civilization. For these accomplishments, later historians placed him among the “Three Sages of the Zhou,” after King Wen and King Wu.

B. The Feudal System

The term “feudal” (fengjian) refers to the king granting titles and land to vassals – these could be members of the royal family, meritorious officials, or others. This grant allowed the vassal to establish a state and become a feudal lord, subservient to the king.

As mentioned earlier, this system began to emerge towards the end of the Shang dynasty, but it was during the Zhou dynasty that the Duke of Zhou formalized and refined it, largely out of necessity. The Zhou were a small state with a limited population. Their victory over the Shang and subsequent acquisition of vast territories relied heavily on alliances with various tribes. Administering these new lands proved challenging, especially given the limited infrastructure – many areas were accessible only by footpaths, rendering chariots impractical. Furthermore, chariots were a relatively new technology and scarce, while cavalry wouldn’t appear until the Warring States period.

The solution to governing these distant regions was to establish scattered outposts and entrust their command to trusted individuals, either close to the king or those who had contributed significantly to the Zhou victory over the Shang. Tribes formerly subservient to the Shang who now pledged allegiance to the Zhou were also granted titles.

The Zhou king maintained central authority in Shaanxi (near modern-day Xi’an) and distributed lands to:

• Relatives, such as the Duke of Zhou’s son, Bo Qin, who was granted the state of Lu;
• Worthy individuals from the Shang, like Wei Zi (who had advised King Zhou of Shang against his tyrannical ways, advice which went unheeded), who received the state of Song;
• Meritorious officials, such as Lü Wang, granted the state of Qi, and two other prominent ministers who were given the states of Yan and Chu, respectively;
• And over a thousand tribal chiefs.

In principle, the king (the “Son of Heaven”) held a thousand square miles of land and commanded ten thousand war chariots. Below the king were five ranks of nobility: duke, marquis, count, viscount, and baron. Dukes and marquises were granted a hundred square miles and a thousand chariots; counts received seventy square miles and a hundred chariots; viscounts and barons fifty square miles and fifty chariots. These smaller states were collectively known as vassal states. Each vassal state might further incorporate one or more smaller territories, known as “attached states,” effectively becoming vassals of vassals. All these states served as a defensive perimeter for the Zhou dynasty and were required to establish one or more fortified settlements within their territories. These settlements, or towns, were surrounded by earthen walls and intersected by two perpendicular roads running east-west and north-south. The common people, known as “black-haired people,” lived outside the walls, while the aristocracy resided within, referred to as the “hundred surnames.” (This term, “hundred surnames,” would later come to mean the common people.)

These figures for land and chariots were largely estimations, as land surveying was not yet practiced. The king could effectively control as much land as he wished, and powerful dukes and marquises could expand their territories unchecked. Except for natural boundaries like rivers and mountains, establishing precise boundaries in forests and plains was difficult, often marked only by a raised mound of earth (called feng). Thus, a vassal’s authority extended as far as their influence.

Vassals were obligated to pay tribute to the king every one or two years, offering local products and reporting on the state of affairs within their territories. Disputes with neighboring states were not to be resolved through force but submitted to the king for arbitration. Upon the death of a vassal, the succession of their heir required the king’s approval.

In return, the king was obligated to protect and support the vassals. If a state was invaded by foreign forces, the king would send troops to assist. In times of famine, the king would provide relief. Every five years, the king would tour the vassal states, visiting the larger ones and summoning representatives from the smaller ones to participate in ceremonies honoring the gods of the five sacred mountains and to hear their petitions.

During these tours, the king would meet with the elders of each state, inquiring about the well-being of the people. Respect for elders was already a well-established custom in China. The king would also inspect local products, observe musical performances and songs during ceremonies, collect folk songs, and have them recorded to understand the customs, livelihoods, aspirations, and concerns of the people in each region. These folk songs were later compiled by Confucius into the Classic of Poetry, providing valuable insights into the customs, joys, sorrows, anxieties, complaints, and romantic love of the Chinese people three thousand years ago.

During these inspection tours, the king would commend and encourage virtuous individuals, while reprimanding and punishing wrongdoers. Upon returning to the capital, he would perform ceremonies at the ancestral temple, reporting his activities to the former kings.

While this was the ideal, in reality, these practices began to decline within a century of the Zhou dynasty’s founding. Kings sometimes never left their own territory, and some vassals, like the state of Lu, paid tribute only three times in 242 years.

This feudal system had several advantages:

• It allowed the Zhou to govern a vast territory, ten times the size of their original holdings, without a large standing army or excessive expenditure of resources.
• It established an ordered structure with defined rights and responsibilities for all levels of society. The higher the rank, the greater the responsibilities and the fewer the privileges. Vassals paid symbolic tribute infrequently, while the king was expected to reciprocate generously and provide aid during war or famine.
• It granted each state autonomy within a confederation, fostering both a sense of national identity and a spirit of universal brotherhood.
• This national identity avoided narrowness, as “all land belonged to the House of Zhou, and all people were subjects of the House of Zhou.” People could migrate to other states if they found their own ruler’s regime unbearable, and scholars like Confucius and Mencius could seek employment in different states if their talents were not appreciated in their own.
• It facilitated the spread of Zhou culture throughout the vassal states, potentially giving rise to the term “China” (the civilized land in the center).
• It valued public opinion and peaceful resolution of conflicts. Disputes between states were ideally resolved without resorting to force. It created a unique form of “ritualized” or “gentlemanly” warfare, unparalleled anywhere else in the world, meticulously documented by Marcel Granet in La Civilisation Chinoise. Only the generals engaged in combat while the soldiers looked on, much like in the Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Battles were preceded by divination and scheduled for specific dates and times. Chariots were the primary weapon, and upon encountering the enemy, the combatants would exchange gifts of wine and greetings. Combat would only ensue if the adversaries were of equal rank. A higher-ranking individual would not engage a lower-ranking one for fear of appearing disrespectful.

There are accounts of a Jin chariot getting stuck in the mud, and a Chu general advising the Jin charioteer on how to free it. A particularly striking example is the battle between Duke Xiang of Song and King Cheng of Chu at the Hong River. The Duke’s minister, Mu Yi, advised attacking the Chu army before they crossed the river, but the Duke refused. He again advised attacking after they crossed but before they formed their ranks, but the Duke insisted on waiting. The Song army attacked only after the Chu army was fully arrayed and suffered a devastating defeat. Duke Xiang, wounded in the thigh, faced criticism from his people. He responded, “A gentleman does not press his advantage when another is in dire straits.” Victory and defeat were attributed to divine will, while adherence to morality and ritual propriety was considered the true mark of a gentleman.

Of course, these examples are relatively rare, and battles were often fiercely fought. However, compared to modern warfare, where a single bomb can obliterate a city and kill hundreds of thousands of civilians, we must acknowledge that we have become more barbaric than our ancestors.

The medieval period in the West, particularly in France, also saw a system called féodalité, often translated as “feudalism.” However, Western féodalité differed significantly from Chinese feudalism. In the West, weakened kings and emperors faced constant incursions and raids by surrounding barbarian tribes, such as the Normans, Germans, and Visigoths, who often targeted cities and even capitals before retreating. Finding themselves vulnerable, noble families abandoned the cities and retreated to their estates, constructing fortified castles (châteaux forts) with moats. They armed themselves and raised armies for self-defense. Peasants offered their land and services to these lords in exchange for protection, leading to the rise of powerful lords with vast landholdings and armies. These lords would sometimes unite to rescue the king, earning higher titles and occasionally even challenging royal authority. The crown would then be forced to subdue these powerful lords to reassert control and unify the kingdom. The differing origins and nature of feudalism in the East and West make direct comparison difficult. A French scholar argued that the Zhou feudal system was more effective than the modern United Nations. In theory, perhaps, but in practice, it functioned effectively for only about a century before gradually declining and becoming ineffective, as we shall see.

C. The Ancestral Cult

By the late Shang dynasty, China had gradually shifted from a matrilineal to a patrilineal system, with succession passing from father to son rather than from mother’s brother to nephew. The Duke of Zhou established strict rules, later compiled in the Book of Rites and meticulously studied by the French sinologist Léon Vandermeersch in his book Wangdao ou la Voie royale (Ecole française d’Extrême Orient – Paris 1977).

Here, I will present only the main features.

Early Shang kings practiced fraternal succession, passing the throne to a younger brother. Only if there were no brothers would the throne pass to a son. The succeeding brother, upon his death, would then pass the throne to the son of the elder brother. Towards the end of the Shang, this practice was gradually abandoned, with the throne consistently passing from father to son. The Zhou dynasty emulated the later Shang: King Wen, despite having brothers, passed the throne to his son, King Wu. This system of primogeniture, where the eldest son of the principal wife inherits, was codified by the Duke of Zhou, a skilled politician and King Wu’s brother. This system, known as the zongfa (ancestral cult), was gradually refined and expanded.

The king (Son of Heaven or feudal lord) would choose a son—ideally the eldest son of the queen—to inherit the throne. Only this son would become the next king or lord, while the other sons received lesser titles, smaller territories, or became vassals or ministers.

The designated heir was called the zi wang or zi jun and presided over ancestral rituals in the ancestral temple, while the other sons served as assistants. Usurpation was considered a grave offense, one that Confucius greatly abhorred.

Similar practices were observed in the families of ministers. The heir, known as the “great ancestor” (dazong), presided over ancestral sacrifices, while the other sons, known as “lesser ancestors” (xiaozong), served as assistants. Detailed rituals governed these ceremonies.

In common families, the eldest son inherited the family estate and maintained the ancestral rituals. He held the most important position in the family, but also bore the greatest responsibility: providing for the family, educating younger siblings, and bearing the blame for any family member’s poverty, misconduct, or crimes, which were seen as dishonoring the ancestors.

In return, he and his wife were respected by their elders and obeyed by their younger siblings. While younger siblings lived at home, the eldest brother acted as a surrogate father (if the father was deceased). Even if a younger brother, after leaving home, became wealthier than his elder brother, he was still expected to show deference and provide support upon returning home, without flaunting his wealth.

Daughters had no inheritance rights. Upon marriage, they lost their status within their birth family and became members of their husband’s family (considered “outside” the clan). This led to a strong patriarchal bias (the saying went, “one son is considered an asset, ten daughters are considered nothing”).

This extended family structure suited the agrarian society, preventing the fragmentation of landholdings and facilitating cooperative farming and cost-effective resource management. It fostered a strong sense of clan identity, mutual support, and shared honor. However, it also created problems, as highlighted by the Vietnamese Self-Reliance Literary Group in the mid-20th century: excessive individual constraint, potential injustice under an unworthy patriarch, discouragement of self-reliance, and the fostering of dependency.

To reinforce the zongfa, the Zhou dynasty emphasized filial piety: children were expected to be filial to their parents, subordinates to respect their superiors. The Chinese became known as a people who valued filial piety above all else. This emphasis on filial piety led to elaborate funeral rites and ancestor worship, which became almost a religion in itself.

The zongfa had significant political implications. It replaced the clan system with a family-based system. The throne was no longer determined by the clan choosing the most capable individual, but passed from father to son – hereditary succession replaced meritocratic succession. This system, according to legend, originated in the Xia dynasty but was clearly defined by the Zhou. Meritocratic succession might have been feasible for a tribe of a few tens of thousands, but hereditary monarchy (junzhu) was a necessary stage as society grew into millions, before humanity progressed enough to establish democratic, representative systems.

However, this system also had its drawbacks. Sibling and cousin rivalries, leading to violence and death, plagued every dynasty. The royal family suffered the most from unnatural deaths. The lust for power also led to queens interfering in state affairs, usurping the authority of weak or pleasure-seeking husbands or sons, particularly minors. This was the problem of “outside influence” (waiqi). Another problem was the reliance on eunuchs within the palace, employed to prevent alternative bloodlines from accessing the throne. Both “outside influence” and the eunuch problem emerged during the Zhou dynasty (possibly earlier in the Shang) and worsened over time. Some palaces housed up to three thousand eunuchs, and some emperors feared their chief eunuchs more than their own fathers. If the queen mother favored a fake eunuch posing as a Buddhist monk, the dynasty would suffer both problems simultaneously, inevitably leading to a humiliating downfall.

Since the Zhou dynasty, warnings about these two dangers have been issued, and every dynasty had a ruler or two who attempted to restrict eunuchs’ influence, imposing severe punishments. However, these efforts were ineffective, addressing only the symptoms. The root causes were the hereditary monarchy, polygamy, and the zongfa. Arabia, Persia, and Egypt all experienced similar problems. The West, largely without polygamy and the zongfa, experienced these issues to a much lesser extent.

Religion

Like most peoples, the Chinese believed in a creator deity who ruled over all things. Initially, this deity, called Di or Shangdi (Supreme God), was likely conceived as a primordial ancestor with human-like qualities – ears, eyes, will, emotions – who loved and protected the people, created grains, ensured favorable weather for harvests, and governed lesser spirits, much like a king with his officials.

However, by the late Shang, many no longer believed in a human-like god, perceiving the divine as a more abstract and mystical principle. This led to the nascent concept of the interplay of yin and yang.

They also believed that humans are endowed with this heavenly principle and that actions aligned with it are right, while those against it are wrong. This concept of the interconnectedness of heaven and human affairs (“tianren xiangyu”) is a unique feature of Chinese belief.

Despite the shift away from a personified Shangdi, the king was still considered divinely appointed to rule, acting as the “Son of Heaven” (tianzi). He performed sacrifices to heaven, a privilege exclusive to him (jiao sacrifice). Feudal lords offered sacrifices to regional deities: gods of earth and soil (she), agriculture (ji, associated with Shennong), mountains, rivers, etc. Scholars and commoners venerated their ancestors, the kitchen god (Zaojun), the god of wealth, and the god of fertility (for numerous offspring and bountiful harvests). Like other peoples of the time, the Chinese also relied on oracles and shamans (wu and xi) and offered sacrifices to spirits to ward off harm. Uniquely, they consulted ancestors and spirits for guidance in uncertain matters.

This broadly describes Chinese belief during the Zhou dynasty. Can it be considered a religion? If so, what kind? Polytheistic? Deistic? But besides Shangdi, the Chinese also worshipped numerous other deities and ancestors. Or perhaps “cosmism,” as suggested by a Western scholar whose name escapes me?

Furthermore, it differed significantly from Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, and Islam. There was no religious leader (the Chinese king merely officiated sacrifices on behalf of the people, not preaching doctrines), no organized clergy, only officials assisting the king with celestial matters: creating calendars, observing celestial phenomena, determining agricultural seasons, interpreting celestial signs, and overseeing divination (bu and pu) to predict good or bad fortune. There were no scriptures or temples. Most notably, it lacked concern for individual salvation or redemption, with no mention of reincarnation, heaven, hell, or nirvana.

Therefore, many have argued that China at that time had no religion. Henri Maspéro, in La Chine antique (PUF – 1965), while acknowledging it as a religion, did not assign it a specific name, calling it a “social religion” (religion sociale) – “social” in the sense of collective rather than individual – aimed at the well-being of the nation, society, and the entire populace: national peace, social order, and prosperity through favorable weather and harvests. This too is a characteristic feature of Chinese civilization.

Without scriptures and temples, religious fervor remained weak; without a concept of hell, people felt less fear. History records a Shang king shooting arrows at the sky, and the Book of Songs contains poems lamenting heaven.

Even Confucius, who revered heaven, mentioned it in only one saying: “Does Heaven speak? The four seasons pursue their courses, and all things are continually being produced, but does Heaven say anything?” He seemed to regard heaven merely as natural law.

After Confucius, Mozi, observing the decline of religious belief, sought to revive the faith of the Yin and Shang periods. He established a quasi-religious organization, attracting followers who regarded him as a leader. However, he gained few adherents, and within a century, even his own disciples abandoned the movement.

It was not until the Han dynasty that China developed an organized religion focused on individual salvation, which I will examine later.

D. Administrative and Social Structure of the Early Zhou Dynasty

Administration and Official System

The Zhou dynasty’s administrative structure, particularly its court and official system, is challenging to reconstruct precisely. Titles varied across dynasties, and even within the same title, different sources might describe different responsibilities. For instance, the title “Zhongzai” sometimes referred to an official managing the king’s personal affairs, possibly within the palace, while other sources suggest it denoted an official overseeing domestic administration.

Broadly speaking, the Zhou court had four key positions, precursors to later ministerial roles: the Sima managed military affairs, the Sikou oversaw justice, the Situ was in charge of agriculture, and the Sikong managed civil matters like land, dikes, and roads, similar to a later Ministry of Works. Notably, ministries for personnel and revenue were absent, likely handled by lesser officials. Other court positions included roles managing the king’s personal affairs, food, treasury, and the education of the crown prince, as well as an official overseeing eunuchs.

Three minor court positions also existed: one for celestial matters, rituals, and the calendar; the Taibo, responsible for divination; and the Shi, or historian. The Shi chronicled the deeds of past rulers, preserving ancestral traditions. Remarkably, the Shi also compiled the classics, including the Book of Songs, Book of Documents, Book of Rites, and Book of Music. This meticulous record-keeping distinguishes ancient China.

Beyond the capital, the kingdom was divided into provinces, then districts, and finally villages, governed by nobles or scholars.

Land System

All land belonged to the king, who granted estates (feng) to relatives and officials for cultivation. These officials appointed stewards called Ji to manage the land. While technically administrators, the Ji held considerable power, collecting one-tenth of the harvest from the farmers under their control.

The well-field system (jingtian) was practiced, dividing land into three grades: good, average, and poor. Average land received twice the allocation of good land, and poor land thrice. By the Spring and Autumn period, some states like Qin allowed individuals to cultivate uncultivated land, leading to the emergence of a new class of wealthy landowners who gradually gained education and influence.

Military System

The Zhou dynasty practiced conscription. Soldiers, chariots, horses, oxen, and resources were levied from the population according to set quotas. The army was organized into units of five (wu), then platoons (liang) led by a Sima, companies (zu), battalions (lü), and armies (shi) led by a general. In principle, the king commanded six armies, while feudal lords commanded two or three, depending on their status. However, this structure was rarely strictly adhered to.

Legal System

The legal system distinguished between nobles and commoners. Nobles were judged according to ritual and custom, while commoners were subject to the state’s penal code. Punishments for commoners ranged from branding, amputation, castration, and execution to gruesome forms like dismemberment and death by a thousand cuts, often extending to the family. Nobles were exempt from such punishments or could pay fines, leading to the saying, “The rich never die by execution in the marketplace.” Initially, laws were not publicly disseminated, allowing the court arbitrary application. Later, they were inscribed on bronze vessels kept within the palace, and eventually on wooden tablets displayed in the capital and market towns.

Education

Writing existed in China from the Shang dynasty, initially on oracle bones and bronze vessels. By the early Zhou, writing transitioned to bamboo strips using knives or lacquer, and later to silk.

Formal education also emerged, with schools divided into elementary and higher levels. Elementary schools, for children aged 8 to 14, taught etiquette, deference, and basic literacy. Higher education, for students aged 15 to 20, focused on the “Six Arts”: ritual, music, archery, charioteering, calligraphy, and mathematics. Commoners attended local village schools, while nobles attended schools in the capital. While records suggest this structure, early Zhou higher education was likely limited to the aristocracy, preparing them for official roles.

Towards the end of the Spring and Autumn period, Confucius pioneered private education, opening schools to students of all classes. While he likely taught the Six Arts, his emphasis was on cultivating virtuous and capable individuals, primarily from the rising landowning class and declining aristocracy. He instructed them in the classics, aiming to create a new class of scholar-officials to serve the state. His disciples, including Mencius and Xun Zi, followed suit, establishing schools and fostering the scholar class, which gradually gained prominence, eventually replacing the aristocracy in government positions during the Han dynasty. This shift from a hereditary aristocracy to a meritocratic system based on intellectual achievement predates the West by two millennia, a testament to the unique and innovative nature of Chinese civilization, with Confucius deserving his title as the “Great Sage and Teacher.”

Society: The Peasant Class

All land belonged to the king, who allocated plots to farmers under the well-field system, inherited from the Shang. This system involved dividing land into square units of 900 mu (previously 700 mu in the Shang), with each mu variously estimated at 600 or 1200 square meters. Each unit was subdivided into nine equal plots. Eight families cultivated the outer plots for their sustenance, while the central plot was collectively farmed, with the produce going to the king. This resembled the character for “well” (jing), giving the system its name. Some scholars consider this a vestige of primitive communism.

Farmers prioritized cultivating the public field before tending their private plots. The contribution to the king amounted to roughly one-tenth of each family’s harvest. Planting large trees was prohibited to maximize arable land, but mulberry trees, vegetables, and fruit trees were allowed around homes. Monoculture was also discouraged to mitigate the risk of famine, a constant threat in ancient China. Each family was required to raise five hens and two sows.

Unallocated lands, like forests and marshes, could be freely exploited but were subject to taxation. Farmers practiced slash-and-burn agriculture, moving on after a few years when the soil was depleted. Life was arduous, as evidenced by poems in the Book of Songs lamenting hunting and weaving obligations for the aristocracy. During winter, farmers performed odd jobs in towns for the elite, then referred to as “gentlemen” (junzi).

Despite hardships, the system provided a degree of security. Upon reaching 60, farmers returned their land and received state support. Orphans and the disabled also supposedly received assistance, potentially placing them in a better position than European serfs during the Middle Ages.

Early Zhou agricultural tools were primarily stone, due to the scarcity and cost of bronze, limiting land development. Land ownership resided with the court and aristocracy, who received grants from the king. This system, unlike ancient Rome’s reliance on slavery, involved distributing land to farmers for cultivation, providing for both the elite and the farmers’ subsistence. Captured enemies were sometimes enslaved but primarily served as domestic servants rather than agricultural laborers. Their treatment, while subject to sale, was generally more humane than that of Western slaves.

Small-scale industry, largely hereditary and family-based, further reduced the need for slave labor. Growing inter-state trade fostered a merchant class. Currency included bronze pieces, silk bolts, gold fragments, and jade, eventually evolving into cast bronze coins. Metals were collectively termed “jin,” with gold and silver as “precious metals” and iron and tin as “base metals.” Thus, references to “thousand jin” don’t necessarily denote a specific weight of gold but often signify a substantial value.

The aristocratic class, responsible for governance and defense, enjoyed privileges like education, unique customs, and hunting, similar to Western nobility. They had access to meat, while commoners primarily consumed vegetables and fish, earning them the moniker “meat-eaters.” This dietary distinction mirrors Western social hierarchies.

Marriage and Burial Customs in Ancient China

Marriages in ancient agrarian societies were deeply intertwined with the agricultural cycle. Fields often lay distant from villages, and after the autumn harvest, farmers would return to their villages, engaging in crafts throughout the winter. Come spring, they would return to the fields, living communally in temporary shelters. Once the emperor performed the spring plowing ceremony, the farming season officially began, ushering in a period of festivals and courtship rituals.

An official, known as a mei che or gao mei, would declare the commencement of free association between young men and women. Those aged fifteen and above would gather in groups or pairs in designated areas outside the villages. There, amidst singing, dancing, and courtship displays, they were free to engage in sexual relations throughout the spring and summer. This freedom ended with the arrival of autumn.

If a young woman became pregnant by autumn, a wedding ceremony would be held, sometimes officiated by the mei che, and the bride would move into her husband’s home. Married couples did not participate in the springtime festivities. If a woman did not become pregnant, she was free to participate again the following spring, either with the same partner or a new one. Men could participate in these rituals until the age of thirty, and women until twenty. Once married, they withdrew from these practices.

The Book of Songs, particularly the Airs of the States section, contains verses reflecting these customs. For example, a poem from the state of Chen describes a gathering in the southern fields where young people meet for music and dance, their work temporarily abandoned. Another poem from the state of Zheng speaks of a pleasant open space by the Wei River where young men and women meet, play, and exchange peony blossoms.

These customs bear a striking resemblance to those practiced by the Tai peoples of northern Vietnam, where both commoners and nobles engaged in springtime courtship rituals. In ancient China, however, these practices were primarily observed by the common people, particularly farmers. Aristocratic customs were more restrictive. From the age of ten, boys and girls, even siblings, were kept separate. Marriages were arranged through matchmakers. Royal customs presented a unique twist. When a princess married a ruler or prince from another state, she would bring a younger sister and several female attendants to serve both her and her husband in the foreign land. These attendants and the sister could potentially become concubines of the husband.

Excavations of Shang dynasty royal tombs reveal a grim practice: the burial of numerous individuals alongside the deceased ruler. The Zhou dynasty abolished both this practice and human sacrifice in religious rituals. Wooden, stone, and bronze figures replaced the human sacrifices. Later, paper effigies were used. This custom, sadly, persisted in some regions even in modern times, a testament to the enduring power of superstition.

The Book of Rites details the elaborate and often extravagant burial rites of the Zhou dynasty, particularly among the aristocracy. Inner and outer coffins were used, their quality and thickness determined by the deceased’s social rank. Valuables were placed inside the coffin, and the deceased’s personal belongings were displayed or burned at the gravesite. Funeral processions could stretch for miles, resembling grand parades.

By the early Warring States period, the philosopher Mozi strongly criticized these lavish practices.

The Eastern Zhou: Decline of the Feudal System

A. Causes of Decline

Hereditary monarchies without constitutional constraints often suffer under the rule of mediocre or even tyrannical rulers, punctuated by the occasional competent leader. Some dynasties, on the verge of collapse, might experience a brief resurgence under a capable member of the royal family, as seen with the Han dynasty.

Roman history offers a unique example of prolonged prosperity under a succession of capable emperors: Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. This period of stability, known as the Pax Romana, was facilitated by the emperors’ lack of heirs (Trajan and Hadrian) or the premature deaths of their sons (Antoninus Pius). These emperors adopted talented individuals, groomed them for leadership, and gradually transferred power. However, the Pax Romana ended abruptly when Marcus Aurelius’s son, Commodus, inherited the throne due to his father’s failure to appoint a successor. The Roman example highlights the benefits of meritocratic succession over hereditary rule.

Chinese legend also speaks of a golden age under the sage-kings Yao, Shun, and Yu. Yao passed the throne to the virtuous Shun, who in turn chose Yu as his successor. From Yu onward, succession became hereditary. Confucius revered Yao and Shun, considering their reign the ideal model for subsequent rulers. He implicitly endorsed meritocratic succession, viewing the hereditary systems of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties as inferior, albeit necessary compromises.

The Zhou dynasty’s prosperity lasted only for its first century. From the reign of King Mu in the 10th century BCE, the rulers proved largely unremarkable. By the 8th century BCE, King You, infatuated with his concubine Bao Si, triggered the invasion of the Quanrong barbarians who sacked the capital and killed him. The feudal lords installed his son, King Ping, as his successor.

Fearing further attacks, King Ping moved the capital eastward to Luoyi in 770 BCE, a town established by King Wu to relocate potentially rebellious Shang remnants. This marked the beginning of the Eastern Zhou period and the decline of the feudal system.

While the feudal system had its advantages, its inherent weaknesses became increasingly apparent.

• Dependence on the Zhou天子 (Son of Heaven): The system relied on the authority of the Zhou emperor. However, the Zhou kings, having granted vast territories to feudal lords, saw their own domain shrink and their resources diminish. They were increasingly reliant on tribute from the lords, which proved insufficient, especially given their obligation to provide aid during famines or wars. Consequently, the Zhou court grew progressively weaker. Conversely, the feudal lords, far from the Zhou capital, expanded their territories, conquering weaker neighbors and consolidating their power. The number of vassal states dwindled from 1600 to 1000, then 500, and eventually to around 100, while the powerful lords controlled territories many times larger than the emperor’s. Smaller lords, oppressed by their larger counterparts, appealed to the emperor for help, but the weakened Zhou court could offer no assistance. The feudal system became a hollow shell.
• Difficulties of Governance: The vastness of the empire made centralized control increasingly challenging. The feudal lords, preoccupied with their own affairs and expansionist ambitions, paid little heed to the central government or the emperor.

As a result, the Zhou court in Luoyi became increasingly marginalized. The emperor, while retaining the title of Son of Heaven, held little real power and commanded no army. Protected from barbarian incursions by the northern and western lords, the Zhou kings became dependent on these powerful vassals. At times, these lords even manipulated the succession, installing puppet emperors. The Zhou court, staffed by a small number of ineffectual officials, had limited influence beyond the immediate vicinity of the capital. By the Warring States period, the Qin state demanded the Nine Cauldrons, symbols of Zhou authority, and the Zhao seized the royal sacrificial fields. When the feudal lords began declaring themselves kings, asserting their equality with the Zhou emperor, the Zhou kings were forced to reciprocate, acknowledging their royal titles while referring to themselves as rulers of a small state.

B. The Seven Hegemons

During the decline of the Zhou Dynasty, the most powerful vassal states would rise to act as hegemons, leading alliances of other vassals to nominally protect the Zhou king, defend against external threats, and mediate disputes among themselves. This period, spanning the 7th and 6th centuries BCE, was the age of these hegemons. Traditional historians often speak of the Five Hegemons:

• Duke Huan of Qi
• Duke Wen of Jin
• Duke Mu of Qin
• Duke Xiang of Song
• King Zhuang of Chu

However, they often omit two later hegemons of the late Spring and Autumn period:

• Helü of Wu
• Goujian of Yue

Likely, this is because Wu and Yue, located southeast in the Yangtze River valley, although powerful for a time, were considered less civilized than the states in the Yellow River basin.

Duke Huan of Qi

Qi, located in modern Shandong province, encompassed the entire Shandong peninsula. Its vast territory, rich in resources (especially salt), made it the most prosperous state economically, with thriving trade. Bronze, and later iron, was transported north by river from the south and traded throughout northern China, while salt was traded throughout the east. Qi also minted the first coins. This wealth fueled cultural advancement, surpassing even the Zhou court.

Much of this progress was attributed to Guan Zhong, the most brilliant statesman of the Spring and Autumn period, who enjoyed the complete trust of Duke Huan. Despite his commoner background, Guan Zhong was appointed prime minister, wielding power exceeding even the duke’s own relatives.

Guan Zhong valued propriety and integrity. He initiated nine (or perhaps eleven) alliances between the vassal states, sworn to uphold the Zhou king (“zun wang”) and cooperate against “barbarian” incursions. He led campaigns against the Di tribes, restored the state of Wey, and thus earned the trust of the other vassals. When Chu violated the alliance oath, he assembled the other states to punish them. Though he acted independently of the Zhou king, his contributions to China earned him praise even from Confucius, who remarked in the Analects: “Guan Zhong assisted Duke Huan in becoming hegemon, uniting the world under one rule, and the people benefit from it to this day. Without him, we would be wearing our hair loose and fastening our robes on the left (like the barbarians).”

Guan Zhong’s political genius lay in establishing the system of sworn alliances and maintaining them throughout his life. With the Zhou king’s authority diminished, he leveraged the widespread belief in the supernatural to enforce compliance. Rulers or their representatives attending the alliance ceremonies were considered protected by the spirits, and the vassals were obligated to punish those who broke their oaths. The allied states cultivated fraternal relations, offering mutual aid and observing proper mourning rituals.

The ceremonies were highly solemn. Assembled on an altar, the participants invoked the spirits, recited the oath, sacrificed an ox, and buried the text of the oath with the carcass or its blood. Each participant smeared ox blood on their lips and swore aloud.

Maintaining trust was paramount for unity and social stability. This emphasis on trust likely influenced Confucius, who later elevated it to a virtue nearly equal to benevolence, propriety, and righteousness, considering it essential for a gentleman (one who governs). This emphasis on trust is a defining characteristic of Confucianism, and some Western scholars have noted that few cultures value trust as highly as the Chinese.

Guan Zhong possessed the stature and skill to enforce these oaths (as demonstrated by his campaign against Chu), but in the following century (the 6th BCE), several states, particularly Chu, exploited the alliance system for their own conquests, ultimately rendering the oaths meaningless.

Following Duke Huan, Duke Wen of Jin became hegemon. When the Zhou king was threatened by the Red Di, Duke Wen led the vassals to defeat them and restore the king to his throne. Chu, still considered semi-barbarian, challenged Jin but was defeated. Duke Wen then convened the vassals and renewed the oaths of loyalty to the Zhou king and mutual non-aggression.

Later, Jin and Qin vied for hegemony. Duke Mu of Qin, aided by his minister Baili Xi, expelled the Western Rong tribes and expanded his territory, claiming hegemony but lacking the strength to challenge Jin’s dominance.

After Duke Huan’s death, Duke Xiang of Song attempted to become hegemon, convening the vassals unsuccessfully. A second attempt led to his capture by Chu. He later attacked Chu, was defeated and killed. Some historians exclude him from the list of hegemons.

King Zhuang of Chu, the most powerful ruler in the south, possessed vast territories. He subjugated several tribes, expanded his domain, defeated Song and Jin, and claimed hegemony, even styling himself king and eyeing the Nine Tripods, symbols of Zhou authority.

In the late Spring and Autumn period, King Helü of Wu, aided by Wu Zixu, a Chu exile, launched a successful attack against Chu, gaining immense prestige. He later fought against Goujian of Yue, was wounded, and died.

Goujian, king of Yue, was defeated by Helü’s successor Fuchai and forced to submit. He endured a decade of humiliation, plotting revenge with the aid of his minister Fan Li. Fan Li devised a plan to present the beautiful Xi Shi to Fuchai, distracting him with her charms while Yue rebuilt its strength. Goujian eventually destroyed Wu, his reputation spreading far and wide (6th century BCE), becoming hegemon of the southeast. Anticipating that Goujian would eliminate his officials after achieving victory, Fan Li went into seclusion. Some accounts say he wandered the Five Lakes with Xi Shi; others claim he moved to the state of Tao (?), changed his name to Tao Zhu Gong, and amassed great wealth through agriculture, animal husbandry, and trade.

Thus, during the Spring and Autumn period, the hegemons called for upholding the Zhou king and opposing the barbarians, but in reality, this was a pretext for expanding their power, conquering smaller states, and increasing territorial control, exacerbating the imbalance between larger and smaller powers. At the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty, there were 1,800 (or according to some sources, 800) states. By the beginning of the Spring and Autumn period, this number had dwindled to around 150, and by its end, only about forty remained, with seven dominant powers and the rest, like Wey, Zheng, Teng, and Ju, reduced to their vassals.

The Spring and Autumn period was also marked by conflict and opposition between north and south. The northern states, situated in the Yellow River basin, were more developed and sought to resist encroachment from the south, particularly from Chu, a semi-barbarian state perceived as lacking in ritual propriety, aggressive, and warlike. Had Chu conquered the north, Chinese civilization might have suffered a significant setback.

C. The Iron Age

Every major technological invention impacts society, altering lifestyles, thought processes, and even human nature, steering civilization around a corner and propelling human history forward. In the Middle Ages, the invention of gunpowder in the West led to the Crusades. The 18th century saw the invention of the steam engine, marking the dawn of the mechanical age and sparking revolutions across Europe. Our century witnessed the refinement of oil and the creation of aircraft, used in the First World War; now, we are in the age of atomic and electronic energy, and the next century promises immense and unpredictable transformations.

Initially, every such transformation causes societal upheaval. Traditionalists become despondent and pessimistic, while those who embrace change may become aggressive and ruthless. Gradually, however – over several centuries in the past, now perhaps only 70 to 100 years – society stabilizes into a new order, marking a step forward. Later, further significant inventions trigger more societal change, sometimes for the better, sometimes for the worse. This is the path of human evolution. An average human lifespan of 60-70 years is but a fleeting moment in this grand scheme. Studying history fosters empathy for both our ancestors and our contemporaries.

In China, the advent of bronze marked the beginning of the Shang dynasty’s civilization. Around 1,200 years later, the arrival of iron proved even more significant. In just 250 years, it profoundly reshaped Chinese society, ultimately accelerating the end of the chaotic Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods and leading to the unification of a vast empire.

According to historians, the oldest texts on iron smelting date to 513 BC. However, recent archaeological discoveries place the appearance of cast iron objects around the beginning of the 6th century BC. Therefore, it can be said that China’s Iron Age began around 500 BC, predating the West’s Iron Age by approximately 1,600 years.

Previously, China only had brittle cast iron implements. When the states of Yue and Wu discovered the method of combining smelting and forging, iron in southern China became superior to that of the north—sharper and less brittle. This led to the legend of the Mo Ye and Gan Jiang swords of Wu. Gan Jiang, a metalsmith, labored tirelessly, but the iron wouldn’t melt. His wife, Mo Ye, seeing this, cut off her hair and fingernails and threw them into the furnace (some versions say she jumped into the furnace). Only then did the iron melt, and they forged two exceptional swords, one named after the husband, the other after the wife.

Thanks to this technological advancement, superior tools like plows, harrows, and hoes allowed for deeper tilling; axes and hammers facilitated deforestation and land clearing; and new tools enabled the construction of canals for irrigation. Cultivable land expanded dramatically. To accelerate development, the well-field system was abandoned, allowing people to cultivate new lands freely, with taxes levied on grain yield. The system of eight families sharing a single public plot was no longer necessary. According to Maspéro (Ancient China), Jin was the first state to abandon the well-field system during the Spring and Autumn period, but Xu Hai suggests that Qin initiated this abandonment in 350 BC. Mencius traveled, advising rulers to reinstate the well-field system, but his pleas went unheeded; the system was obsolete. Faced with the means to prosper, who wouldn’t pursue wealth? The ruling class also desired a wealthy populace, as increased tax revenue strengthened the state.

Irrigation projects—digging canals for both irrigation and drainage—became countless. Wu pioneered the construction of large canals connecting the Yangtze and Huai rivers (486 BC) and, four years later, extended the canal to the river in southern Shandong. Wei followed suit, building numerous canals on the border of Henan and Hebei, one connecting a large lake to the Yellow River and another in present-day Kaifeng (339 BC). At the end of the 3rd century BC, Qin constructed a major canal north of the Wei River, parallel to it, significantly increasing arable land and enriching the state.

Low-lying areas were deepened and dredged to create reservoirs. Dikes were built for flood control, dams to redirect rivers, and sluice gates to regulate river flow. The largest hydraulic project of that era was undertaken around 300 BC in the upper reaches of the Minjiang River, a major tributary of the Yangtze. After Qin conquered the Chengdu Plain (Sichuan), a large dam diverted the Minjiang into a channel carved through a mountain. Chengdu subsequently flourished, allowing for agriculture without the threat of flooding.

By the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, all states competed in developing irrigation systems. Consequently, China’s population surged. Some sources estimate the population during the Spring and Autumn period at 20 million, rising to 40 million after Qin’s unification and 60 million at the beginning of the Han dynasty, with Sichuan and Shaanxi being the most populous regions. Thanks to irrigation, Sichuan became a prosperous region, the size of France, with a favorable climate, abundant natural resources, and, in later generations, a birthplace of many talented individuals.

Iron spurred industrial growth. Every household desired iron plows, knives, and hammers, while the government sought iron weapons.

Commerce flourished. Hanyang in Qin, Linzi in Qi, Handan in Zhao, and Daliang in Wei became thriving commercial centers, attracting migrants who formed a large merchant class. Linzi boasted a population of 300,000. Wealthy merchants like Fan Li and Duanmu Si became historically significant figures. They sought to trade not only goods but also kings, as exemplified by Lü Buwei. These merchants eagerly anticipated China’s unification, as it would facilitate the smooth flow of goods across regions, eliminating taxes at multiple border crossings.

Agriculture remained the foundation of the economy, but commerce and industry were no longer mere offshoots. The policy of suppressing commerce was no longer viable, as many rulers, short of funds, borrowed from merchants, and many princes, impoverished while serving as hostages, relied on merchants’ financial and other support to return home and ascend to their thrones.

Besides various regional bronze coins (spade-shaped in Hebei, knife-shaped in Shandong, and round with a round hole in Shaanxi), gold coins circulated in Chu.

Contracts were inscribed on wooden or bamboo slips, split in half, with each party retaining one half. A perfect match upon rejoining validated the agreement. This method mirrored the court’s use of tally sticks to issue crucial orders to generals on the battlefield.

Wealthy merchants purchased land from declining aristocrats, adopting aristocratic lifestyles. The court often relied on them for tax collection. With surplus capital, they often stockpiled grain, enabling them to advance grain to the court, deducting it from future tax revenues. This mutually beneficial arrangement gradually increased the merchants’ power over the peasantry, who delivered their grain to them, until they wielded influence comparable to provincial governors, resembling the tax farmers (fermiers généraux) of medieval France.

Cities expanded rapidly. Linzi, the capital of Qi, comprised 70,000 households, exceeding 300,000 inhabitants. Each trade occupied a dedicated district: pottery, bronze work, commerce, and even a red-light district, reputedly established by Guan Zhong to cater to visiting diplomats.

City walls during the Spring and Autumn period measured only 400 to 600 meters in circumference. By the 4th and 3rd centuries BC, city walls extended up to three kilometers, enclosing tens of thousands of residents. Sometimes, an outer wall, called a guo, provided additional protection.

Governance Transformed

During the Spring and Autumn period, rulers of vassal states adhered to the Zhou dynasty’s feudal system, appointing relatives to key positions like prime minister, minister, and grand master, rarely employing individuals outside the royal clan. Some relatives received territories within the state to govern, acting as miniature kings.

Consider the state of Lu during Confucius’s time. When Confucius served as Minister of Justice (a somewhat unusual case, as he wasn’t of royal lineage, but rose through merit), Lu was dominated by three powerful families, the Three Huans: Ji Huanzi, Shu Huanzi, and Meng Huanzi (all descendants of Duke Huan of Lu). They usurped the authority of the Duke of Lu (Duke Zhao). The Ji family, the most powerful, controlled half the state, with a city in the east; the Shu family held the west; and the Meng family controlled the north, bordering Qi. They collected taxes, commanded troops, maintained their own retainers, courts, fortifications, and armies, living more extravagantly than the Duke himself. Ji Huanzi even attempted to usurp the rituals reserved for the Son of Heaven, employing the Ba Yi dance, meant only for the emperor (Analects, 3-1); all three families used the Yong ode during their ancestral sacrifices, a ritual also reserved for the Son of Heaven at the ancestral temple.

Confucius, disapproving, sought to dismantle their fortifications and courts but failed. This, in part, led him to leave Lu in search of a more receptive ruler.

Thus, royal authority became fragmented. A weak or incompetent ruler became a mere figurehead, weakening the state.

By the Warring States period (6th-4th centuries BC), many states, seeking to strengthen themselves, implemented policy changes. They dismantled powerful families, established counties and districts, and appointed centrally-controlled officials to govern them. These officials received salaries in grain, reported annually to the court on their administrative performance, and faced dismissal for incompetence or corruption.

Wei, at the end of the 6th century BC, led in administrative reforms, which other states emulated. This marked the initial steps toward centralized authority, paving the way for national unification and dealing a blow to the feudal system, ultimately culminating in a unified China.

Social upheaval transformed the Warring States period

During the Spring and Autumn period, powerful lords had invoked the authority of the Zhou天子 (Son of Heaven) to convene other feudal states, ostensibly for their collective benefit, as Duke Huan of Qi had done, or often simply for their own. By the Warring States era, this pretense was abandoned. The Zhou king became irrelevant, a figurehead clinging to the Nine Tripods, symbols of dominion over the nine provinces, while the powerful lords ignored him, content to let him retain this symbolic power. Even renowned figures like Han Fei or noblemen like Lu Zhonglian didn’t bother to uphold the Zhou dynasty’s authority. Even Mencius, who, like Confucius, sought to preserve the feudal order, seemingly forgot the Zhou king. He traveled and advised the rulers of various states, even the small state of Teng, yet never visited the Zhou court, focused instead on finding a benevolent ruler who eschewed violence.

The number of feudal states dwindled. With each conquest, a swathe of aristocrats lost their standing, relegated to the ranks of commoners or scholars. A new class emerged: wealthy farmers and merchants whose influence began to eclipse that of the declining aristocracy.

Most significantly, the scholar class ascended. Partly composed of dispossessed nobles, it was further bolstered by the popular education movements initiated by Confucius, Mencius, and Mozi. Their numbers swelled, and by the Warring States period, they formed three distinct groups:

• Scholars: Adherents of Confucianism, Mohism, and Daoism.
• Advisors: Also known as rhetoricians, skilled in debate and persuasion, they often followed the schools of Logicians and Legalists (discussed later) and included figures like Su Qin and Zhang Yi.
• Specialists: This group encompassed astronomers, physicians, agriculturalists (what we would now call technicians), diviners, and those who studied yin and yang and the art of alchemy.

The status of these scholars steadily rose. As the warring states vied for dominance, survival depended on employing skilled advisors in diplomacy, military strategy, and economics. Talent, not lineage, became the prized commodity, and rulers competed to attract and reward these men of ability.

Mencius’s experience exemplifies this shift. He was received with extravagant hospitality wherever he went, traveling with “dozens of chariots and hundreds of attendants,” provisioned by his host state, and presented with “a small gift”—tens of bars of gold—upon his departure.

Qi, the richest and most advanced state, with its capital Linzi, became a magnet for the brightest minds in China. The King of Qi housed these scholars in lavish residences near the western gate of the capital, granting them titles and generous stipends, simply to occasionally consult them on affairs of state or invite them to court to lecture on philosophy and write books propagating their ideas.

These socially conscious scholars sought solutions to the prevailing chaos, advocating for different paths to restore order: Some championed virtuous rule, emphasizing the ruler’s moral character over laws and institutions; others believed universal love, where everyone treated others as family, would eliminate conflict; some advocated a return to a simpler, less acquisitive society modeled on antiquity, where the ruler’s intervention was minimal; still others, the Legalists, believed in strict laws and impartial rewards and punishments, rendering the ruler’s virtue irrelevant. Each school, except Legalism, attracted followers, and teachers and students traveled throughout the states seeking a ruler willing to implement their ideas. Even theories dismissed as impractical received serious consideration. This era, known as the “Hundred Schools of Thought,” witnessed unprecedented intellectual freedom, unmatched by any period before or since. The consequences were twofold: First, it fostered the development of sophisticated philosophical systems and scientific advancements. Second, it elevated scholars to prominent positions in government, displacing the old aristocracy and creating a new elite based on merit, a fusion of aristocracy by blood and aristocracy by intellect.

In the late Spring and Autumn and early Warring States periods, when society was less turbulent, the philosophy of virtuous rule held some sway. However, as morality declined and self-interest and power became paramount, Legalism gained traction among rulers. This transition will be explored further later.

The Revolution in Warfare

Iron spurred advancements in agriculture, industry, and commerce. As states expanded and populations grew, the need for administrative reforms and military innovation became paramount. Warfare became the accepted means of resolving disputes. By Mencius’s time, it was already brutally efficient: “Battles fought for land filled the plains with corpses; battles fought for cities filled the cities with corpses.”

Gone were the aristocratic officer corps of earlier eras. The Warring States period saw the rise of the “bingjia,” military strategists, such as Sun Wu, Wu Qi, Sun Bin, Pang Juan, Yue Yi, and Bai Qi.

Iron weapons, deadlier and more efficient, dramatically increased casualties. Records from the 3rd century BCE describe General Bai Qi of Qin burying alive (or possibly simply executing) 400,000 surrendered Zhao soldiers, though this figure is likely inflated.

Larger populations fueled larger armies, numbering in the hundreds of thousands. In the 4th century BCE, Qin conscripted all men between 15 or 20 and 60 years of age, leaving only women and children exempt from military service. The “well-field system,” where farmers trained for war during peacetime, became widespread.

Even women and the elderly were sometimes pressed into service, building defensive walls against invaders. Chu built walls in Henan, Qi in Shandong, and other states like Wei and Qin followed suit. These early walls, mostly earthen or elevated dikes, with occasional stone fortifications, were dotted with small garrisons that signaled approaching enemies with smoke by day and fire by night. Zhao and Yan also built walls in the north against barbarian incursions. These were later consolidated and expanded by Qin Shi Huang into the Great Wall (see map of China circa 350 BCE).

Roads were constructed to supply armies and connect towns, and canals were dug for transportation and irrigation.

New weapons emerged, including the crossbow and catapult for launching stones (6th century BCE). Crossbows, more powerful and with a longer range than bows—reportedly nearly a kilometer—became a formidable weapon. During Mozi’s time, Gongshu Ban invented the “cloud ladder,” a siege tower so tall it earned its evocative name.

Chariots became obsolete, replaced by infantry and eventually cavalry. The states of Wu and Yue, with their marshy terrain unsuitable for chariots, pioneered the use of infantry. Initially, Jin considered infantry warfare beneath the dignity of aristocrats, but Zheng adopted it, followed gradually by other states. Managing large infantry formations necessitated discipline and organization, leading to the development of military tactics and drills. Infantry was further specialized into units wielding bows, crossbows, and spears.

Cavalry was adopted from northern and western barbarians. In 307 BCE, Zhao became the first state to effectively employ cavalry, leading to a period of military dominance. They adapted their clothing for greater mobility, abandoning long robes and heavy armor, and, like the Xiongnu, mastered archery on horseback.

D. The Seven Warring States

Historians traditionally mark the beginning of the Warring States period as 376 BCE, the year the Jin state was partitioned by its three powerful ministers into the states of Wei, Zhao, and Han. In reality, this event was less significant than the ongoing societal transformations that characterized China from the Eastern Zhou dynasty to the early Qin. The invention of iron smelting around 500 BCE, as previously discussed, had a far more profound impact.

Including the newly formed Wei, Zhao, and Han (collectively known as the Three Jin), the Warring States period comprised over ten vassal states. However, discounting smaller states like Song, Lu, Zou, Teng, and Zhongshan—some of which became mere appendages of larger powers—only seven states held significant influence. These were known as the Seven Warring States: Yan, Qi, Han, Wei, Zhao, Chu, and Qin.

Of these seven, Yan was the weakest, while Qi, Chu, and Qin were the strongest, possessing vast territories and abundant resources. Qi was the most civilized, Chu the largest, and Qin the most organized.

These seven states formed shifting alliances and waged war against each other. Two grand strategic alliances dominated the period: the “Vertical Alliance” (Hèzōng) advocated by Su Qin, and the “Horizontal Alliance” (Liánhéng) championed by Zhang Yi. The Vertical Alliance sought to unite the states stretching north to south, from Yan to Chu, into a vertical axis to oppose Qin. To counter this, Zhang Yi persuaded several states east of Qin to cede territory and make peace with Qin, forming a horizontal axis to attack the other states. As Qin grew stronger, the central conflict eventually boiled down to one between Qin and the remaining six states (the Six States): Han, Wei, Zhao, Yan, Qi, and Chu.

Qin’s rapid rise was partly due to its geography. Located in the west, it faced less pressure from its eastern neighbors, allowing it to develop freely. The strategically vital Hangu Pass, easily defensible by a small force, provided a gateway for Qin to attack eastward while deterring attacks from the east.

However, the most crucial factor in Qin’s ascendancy was its willingness to implement radical and sustained reforms throughout the mid-4th century BCE. Qin’s aristocracy, weak and impoverished, posed little resistance to the Qin ruler. Between 356 and 348 BCE, Qin established 41 counties across its realm. Shang Yang, also known as Wei Yang, a Legalist philosopher and Qin’s chancellor, implemented policies that severely curtailed the aristocracy’s power. He created a new aristocracy based on military merit, rewarding those who amassed enemy casualties with high rank. He also initiated land reclamation policies, granting ownership to those who cultivated new lands, leading to the rise of a wealthy landowning class that, along with the merchant class, challenged the old aristocracy. He even abolished the aristocratic privilege of exemption from commoner punishments, establishing legal equality and publicizing the law for all to see. While some states had previously published penal codes inscribed on bronze vessels or wooden tablets, this practice aimed to eliminate the aristocratic practice of secret trials and ensure that the law applied equally. Other states gradually adopted similar legal codes, but none were as draconian as Qin’s. Travel was restricted, requiring citizens to carry identification cards, and vagrancy was punishable by enslavement. Books and Confucian texts were burned.

Villages were reorganized, grouping households into units responsible for mutual surveillance and reporting crimes, a concept also proposed by Mozi a century earlier. However, Shang Yang’s policies were far more radical, restructuring rural society, redistributing farmland, and dismantling traditional boundaries. This societal upheaval, resembling the later policies of many communist and authoritarian regimes, effectively revolutionized the way of life.

Military rewards and punishments were strict. Commoners could earn titles through military achievements, while nobles lacking merit could be demoted. All these reforms served a single purpose: to maximize agricultural production to support a powerful army for conquest. When Duke Xiao of Qin died in 338 BCE, the resentful aristocracy had Shang Yang executed by dismemberment. Yet, less than a century later, King Zheng (later Qin Shi Huang) revived these authoritarian policies, making Qin the most powerful of the Seven Warring States.

While still relatively weak in the early 4th century BCE, by 299 BCE, Qin had defeated Chu and captured King Huai. Qu Yuan, a Chu minister, heartbroken by the king’s refusal to heed his advice and distraught by his nation’s decline, composed the “Li Sao” and drowned himself in the Miluo River. In 278 BCE, the Qin general Bai Qi captured Ying, the Chu capital, forcing Chu to relocate. Qin continued its string of victories against Zhao and Wei (forty thousand Wei soldiers surrendered in 260 BCE). In 256 BCE, Qin attacked and annexed the Zhou state, marking the end of the Zhou dynasty.

The remaining states recognized their impending doom. The Han surrendered. A final Vertical Alliance led by Lord Xinling of Wei won a single battle, but it was a fleeting victory.

In 242 BCE, Qin Shi Huang ascended the throne, appointing Lü Buwei as chancellor, later replacing him with Li Si (a student of Xunzi). Within a decade, Qin conquered Zhao, Wei, Chu, and Yan. The Yan king, desperate to appease Qin Shi Huang after the failed assassination attempt by Jing Ke, executed his own son, Crown Prince Dan, and presented his head to Qin. Yet, Qin Shi Huang showed no mercy, razing the Yan capital. Only Qi remained, and it too fell two years later in 221 BCE. Qin had unified China. Mencius’s assertion to King Hui of Liang, “He who delights not in killing men can unify the world,” proved false. Benevolent rule had been eclipsed by Legalism. Qin’s success stemmed from its authoritarian policies, meticulous organization, brilliant military tactics, and cunning espionage. Qin infiltrated all the other states, bribing or assassinating enemy officials and generals. Only after these tactics softened their targets did Qin deploy its armies. Han (230), Zhao (228), Wei (225), Chu (223), and Qi (221 BCE) all fell victim to this strategy.

Qin’s triumph was a victory for Legalism, whose most prominent figure was Han Feizi, a classmate of Li Si and a fellow student of Xunzi. It is said that Qin Shi Huang was so impressed by Han Feizi’s writings that he longed to meet him. However, shortly after arriving in Qin, Han Feizi fell victim to Li Si’s slander and perished in prison.

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Only after Mao Zedong’s victory over the Nationalist Party did the profound influence of Shang Yang, even exceeding that of Confucius, become apparent. Most of the major policies and reforms bore his mark, and he arguably deserves recognition as one of China’s most influential figures.

It is a curious paradox that the Chinese people have revered both Confucius and Shang Yang, two political thinkers with diametrically opposed philosophies.